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Summary Literature Family Sociology
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This document contains a summary of the literature of family sociology for the year 2020/2021 written in English.
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Literatuur FamiliesociologieInhoud
Literatuur Familiesociologie...................................................................................................................1
Week 1................................................................................................................................................2
McLanahan, S. (2004). Diverging destinies: How children are faring under the second
demographic transition. Demography, 41(4), 607-627 link:
http://prelim2009.filmbulletin.org/readings/04-Population/McLanahan.pdf................................2
Kalmijn, M. (2013). The educational gradient in marriage: a comparison of 25 European
countries. Demography, 50(4), 1499–1520 link:
http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s13524-013-0229-x#page-1..........................................4
Sweeney, M. M. (2002). Two decades of family change: The shifting economic foundations of
marriage. American Sociological Review, 132-147.link: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3088937....6
Amato, P.R. (2000). The consequences of divorce for adults and children. Journal of Marriage
and Family, 62, 1269-1287. link: http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1741-
3737.2000.01269.x/epdf................................................................................................................7
Week 2..............................................................................................................................................10
Bengtson, V. L. (2001). “Beyond the nuclear family: The increasing importance of
multigenerational bonds.” Journal of Marriage and Family, 63, 1-16. link: https://onlinelibrary-
wiley-com.proxy.library.uu.nl/doi/full/10.1111/j.1741-3737.2001.00001.x?sid=worldcat.org....10
Steinbach, A., & Silverstein, M. (2020). The Relationship Between Religion and Intergenerational
Solidarity in Eastern and Western Germany. Journal of Family Issues, 41(1), 109-130. link:
https://journals-sagepub-com.proxy.library.uu.nl/doi/10.1177/0192513X19868750.................13
Week 3..............................................................................................................................................15
Kravdal, Ø., & Rindfuss, R. R. (2008). Changing relationships between education and fertility: A
study of women and men born 1940 to 1964. American Sociological Review, 73(5), 854-873 Link:
http://asr.sagepub.com.proxy.library.uu.nl/content/73/5/854.short..........................................15
Keizer, R., Dykstra, P., & Jansen, M. D. (2008). Pathways into Childlessness: Evidence of
Gendered Life Course Dynamics. Journal of Biosocial Science, 40(6), 863–878. Link:
http://repub.eur.nl/pub/18084/JofBiosocialScience2008.pdf......................................................18
McDonald, P. (2000). Gender equity in theories of fertility transition. Population and
Development Review, 26(3), 427-439 Link:
http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com.proxy.library.uu.nl/doi/10.1111/j.1728-4457.2000.00427.x/
abstract.........................................................................................................................................19
Week 4..............................................................................................................................................22
Bittman, M., England, P., Sayer, L., Folbre, N. & Matheson, G. (2003). When does gender trump
money? Bargaining and time in household work. American Journal of Sociology, 109 (1), 186-
214. Link: www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/378341.......................................................................22
1
, Van der Lippe, T., Treas, J., & Norbutas, L. (2018). Unemployment and the division of housework
in Europe. Work, employment and society, 32(4), 650-669. Link: https://journals-sagepub-
com.proxy.library.uu.nl/doi/full/10.1177/0950017017690495....................................................23
Week 1
McLanahan, S. (2004). Diverging destinies: How children are faring under the
second demographic transition. Demography, 41(4), 607-627 link:
http://prelim2009.filmbulletin.org/readings/04-Population/McLanahan.pdf
The primary trends of the second transition include delays in fertility and marriage; increase in
cohabitation, divorce, and nonmarital childbearing; and increases in maternal employment. Some of
these trends, such as delays in childbearing, imply gains in parental resources, while others, like
divorce and nonmarital childbearing, imply losses. Still others, like increasing maternal employment,
suggest both. In this article, is argued that the forces that are driving the transition are leading to two
different trajectories for women – with different implications for children:
One trajectory—the one associated with delays in childbearing and increases in maternal
employment—reflects gains in resources, while the other—the one associated with divorce and
nonmarital childbearing—reflects losses. Moreover, the women with the most opportunities and
resources are following the first trajectory, whereas the women with the fewest opportunities and
resources are following the second.
Second demographic transition is widening social-class disparities in children’s resources.
I argue that the growing disparity in children’s resources is related to four trends: the reemergence
of the feminist movement (the “second wave”), the development of new birth control technologies,
changes in labor market conditions, and changes in welfare-state policies.
Evidence
To measure trends in children’s resources, I used four indicators: mothers’ age, mothers’
employment, single motherhood and fathers’ involvement. An increase in mothers’ age is viewed as
an increase in parental resources. An increase in mothers’ employment represents a gain in
children’s financial resources – and possibly a loss of time. Children’s economic gains from maternal
employment, however, do not appear to be offset by the loss of their mothers’ time. An increase in
single motherhood is seen as a loss in children’s resources (more stressful situation poorer mental
health, and more family instability). The story for marriage and divorce is similar to the story for
single motherhood. To sum up, the demographic changes associated with increases in children’s
resources—mothers’ age and employment and fathers’ involvement—are happening the fastest
among children in the top socioeconomic strata, whereas the changes associated with decreases in
resources—single motherhood and divorce—are happening the fastest among children in the bottom
strata.
2
, International comparisons
Although mothers’ age varies across the different countries, the educational gap in mothers’ age is
similar. Single motherhood is the most common among mothers with the least education. Finally, in
all the countries, fathers in the top educational category are spending more time with their children
than are fathers in the bottom category (see Table 3). In a few countries, fathers in the middle
educational category report higher or lower involvement than expected.
Causes and consequences
I focus on four causes: feminism, new birth control technologies, changes in the labor market, and
welfare policies.
Feminism: Feminism promoted women’s independence and gender equality on multiple fronts. It
provided women with an identity other than “wife” and “mother” and encouraged them to invest in
education and careers, criticized the gender-role specialization that was the mainstay of traditional
marriages and provided new standards for more-egalitarian marriages, and argued against the
stigmatization of single motherhood.
New birth control technologies: Whereas feminism gave women the motivation to pursue an
education and a career, new birth control technology (pill, legalized abortion) gave them the capacity
to do so.
Changes in the labor market: Recessions in the late 1970s and early 1980s led to low-skilled men who
were hit the hardest by these recessions, which made them less marriageable. Next came the
increase in wage inequality. The changing labor market conditions not only spurred women to invest
in careers, they also affected the family-formation behavior of women who followed this pathway.
Welfare policies: Two aspects of these policies are important: the level of support and the degree of
income testing. The higher the benefit level, the lower the price of children for poor single mothers.
The greater the income-testing in the benefit (i.e., the higher the rate at which benefits are reduced
as income increases), the higher the price of work and marriage.
Economic theory: suggests that welfare will increase nonmarital childbearing by making it easier
for men to shirk their parental responsibilities. Moreover, when considered in conjunction with other
factors—such as the decline in low-skilled men’s earnings and the reduction in men’s willingness to
support children—the effects of welfare are likely to be even larger.
Why should we care
1. Inequality may lead to social isolation (or social exclusion), which, in turn, may have negative
feedback effects.
Identity model of marriage: marriage is associated with a set of norms about behaviors and
living standards, and the psychological gains to marriage depend on how closely people are
able to match these ideals.
2. I would also argue that we should be concerned about the high prevalence of single mothers,
especially among mothers in the lower social strata.
3. Relationships are more complex and less stable in families that are formed by unmarried
parents. Quality of parenting is lower, poverty rates and unemployment rates are higher and
relationships are more fragile.
3
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