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TRANSNATIONAL POLITICS
Lecture 1: Introduction to Transnational Politics
31/08/2020
Lecturers: Floris Vermeulen and Enzo Rossi
The first half of this introductory session will illustrate what is meant by transnational.
Subsequently, we will explain the formats, purposes and themes of this course, the expectations
we have of the course and of you, and the ways in which you will be assessed.
The second half will consist of a lecture by Enzo on power and legitimacy in global politics.
How is power exercised in a transnational global order? This question matters because we
typically think that the systematic exercise of political power gives rises to questions of
legitimacy. Yet most theories of legitimacy remain focused on the state or on supranational
institutions broadly designed to work with states as the principal actors. The worry then arises
that in a transnational global order a lot of power goes undetected or unchecked. In this lecture
we will consider various ways of conceptualising political power suitable for today's
transnational politics.
Throughout the lectures in the course, we will make use of three sets of rival hypotheses as a
recurring motif to structure theoretical reflection on the nature of transnational politics beyond
the individual themes:
1a. Engagement in transnational politics empowers previously marginalized groups
1b. Engagement in transnational politics reinforces the power of predominant political
actors
2a. Transnational politics decreases the control of states over their populations
2b. Transnational politics increases the control of states over their populations
3a. Transnational political issues are best governed by state institutions: the national state
is the supreme source of authority from which other institutions derive their powers
3b. Transnational political issues are best governed through transnational arrangements
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, UNIVERSITY OF AMSTERDAM TRANSNATIONAL POLITICS
Differentiated Polity – Mark Bevir (chapter in SAGE Key Concepts in Governance by
Mark Bevir, 2009)
Definition
• A differentiated polity consists of a number of interdependent organizations such as
governments, departments, and agencies
• Governance occurs in and through networks composed of the relevant governments,
departments, agencies, and other social and political actors
• The organizations in the networks are interdependent: each organization relies on
cooperative exchanges with the others to secure parts of its agenda, with all networks
having some autonomy from the centre
• Contrast to unitary state which is identifiable polity, with clear boundaries and a
sovereign centre (whereas differentiated polity is characterised by fuzzy boundaries)
Context
• Anglo-governance school is the main source of ‘differentiated polity’, against the
‘outdated’ Westminster model’s hollow state concept, saying power is diffuse and the
parliament is not central, it is only a part of the policy-making process
• Similar phrases are rising, like ‘networked polity’ nor ‘disaggregated state’
• Global governance is also a disaggregated state as it is not central but involves multiple
independent bodies (voluntary, state/public and non-state/private actors as well)
Debate
• We may distinguish between 2 accounts of differentiated polity that embody rather to
a process based on functional differences
• Differentiation can refer toa process based on functional differences
• It can also refer to the different interpretations, beliefs, or meaning s that are often
within an institution or practice
• It is also possible that both versions are correct, we should probably create a new theory
that takes the rise of the new patterns of governance into account
Global public power: the subject of principles of global political legitimacy – Andrew
Hurrell & Terry Macdonald (2012)
Introduction
• International actors of power including: states, international organizations (IOs), non-
governmental organizations (NGOs), transnational corporations (TNCs), and hybrid
institutional actors of various kind
• Ought only states be subject to control via application of such regulatory political
principles?
• Can IOs achieve legitimacy through delegation of their powers by states, or must they
be directly subject to legitimate political control?
• Ought corporations and/or NGOs be directly subject to these regulatory principles, as
many of their critics claim and these organizations themselves increasingly
acknowledge?
• Do we need to build new political agencies to generate political legitimacy, or is it a
matter only of establishing effective controls for the existing ones?
• In more general terms, which political actors and institutions ought to be subject to
political critique and control in global politics, through application of normative
standards of political legitimacy?
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