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Lecture notes of 41 pages for the course Psychological Criminology at UEL (dishonour crime)

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  • April 2, 2022
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  • 2018/2019
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Not Domestic Violence or Cultural Tradition: Is Honour-

Based Violence Distinct from Domestic Violence?


This paper addresses an important conceptual question surrounding the

categorisation of honour-based violence (hereafter ‘HBV’) – is HBV a subspecies of

domestic violence (hereafter ‘DV’)? According to Reddy (2014), Aujla and Gill

(2014), HBV falls within the broad spectrum of DV. Utilising data extracted from

interviews conducted with 30 key agents, this paper will seek to provide

incontrovertible evidence that HBV is different to DV because the characteristics it

presents offer some differences. Furthermore, the overall strategies used to

investigate HBV by UK law enforcement agencies differ to that of DV. Being this

specific about HBV does not necessarily mean that one succumbs to cultural-

essentialist assumptions about the prevalence of such violence in particular

communities either. Rather, an understanding that HBV can be different will help to

identify the serious dangers it presents and the strategies needed to support victims.



Keywords: Honour-Based Violence; Domestic Violence; Violence Against Women



Introduction



HBV is the infliction of violence predominantly upon women who are deemed to

have brought shame and dishonour upon the family for reasons usually involving their

sexual behaviour. As a phenomenon, there has been increased recognition of HBV

and honour killings in the UK in the last decade following high-profile criminal

prosecutions convicting honour killers. Tulay Goren; Heshu Yones; Banaz Mahmod;


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,and Shafilea Ahmed were all young female (and Muslim) victims of honour killings

who were killed (primarily) by male figures for supposedly acting too western and for

engaging in relationships outside marriage. Banaz was killed in 2006 on the

instructions of her father and uncle for dating a boy they did not approve – Banaz

kissing her boyfriend outside a London tube station and it being witnessed was the

last straw and prompted the order of her killing. Five people, including her father and

uncle, were convicted for taking part in her murder. As part of a debate, there is

discussion about HBV and its relationship to other forms of violence including

whether it should fall part of the paradigm of DV and violence against women in

general (hereafter ‘VAW’). This raises some important conceptual questions: is HBV

a form of DV or should it be considered something distinct? A generally accepted

definition of DV is the cross-government definition:



any incident or pattern of incidents of controlling, coercive, threatening behaviour, violence or

abuse between those aged 16 or over who are, or have been, intimate partners or family

members regardless of gender or sexuality. The abuse can encompass, but is not limited to,

psychological; physical; sexual; financial; and emotional.




Reddy, Aujla and Gill argue that HBV ‘should be approached primarily as a

subspecies of gender-based violence’ (Reddy, 2014: 28 and 40-41) because of the

need to avoid the ‘inappropriate focus on the alleged cultural aspects of such violence,

which treats the phenomenon as a species separate from wider domestic violence’

(Reddy, 2014: 28; Aujla and Gill, 2014: 155-159). By singling out HBV, it draws

attention to race, culture and religion and puts the ‘political spotlight’ on the

immigrant population in the UK (Eshareturi et al, 2014: 376). The argument is that if




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,we view HBV as a subspecies of DV, we avoid stereotyping HBV and amalgamate it

within DV and the wider experiences of VAW.

While one can understand the need to avoid supporting any cultural

stereotypes about HBV, it is not clear why one should draw the conclusion that HBV

has to be defined as a subspecies of DV. I agree there is a need to avoid stereotypes

that single out HBV as a ‘cultural tradition’; HBV does disproportionately target

women more so than men; and there are similarities between HBV and DV that allow

such acts to fall ‘absolutely within a broader continuum of forms of violence against

women’ (Sen, 2005: 43). However, there are several key features that make HBV

different. Contrary to the position of some authors, I argue, based on interviews with

30 key agents, that HBV is different from DV. This is based on three main strands of

argument: (a) the involvement of the community in deciding on ‘punishment’; (b) the

involvement of third parties in meting out violence; and (c) the longevity of the desire

to mete out punishment. If these views are correct and HBV is viewed separately,

does this mean one has succumbed to cultural-essentialist explanations about HBV? Is

it possible to view HBV separately from DV, whilst simultaneously rejecting the

argument that particular communities perpetrate HBV? The answer, it is submitted, is

yes. As Terman notes, ‘to be specific is not to be racist’ (Terman, 2010: 26).



Literature Review – Similarities Between HBV and DV



It is true that acts of HBV share similar features with other forms of VAW. HBV is a

patriarchal form of violence and relates to male domination over women (Sen, 2005:

50; Reddy, 2014: 31). It acts as a method to police the behaviour of women and their

sexual autonomy, thereby allowing men to exercise control (Ortner, 1978: 23). A



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, central component is the ability to protect male honour by forcing women to comply

with acceptable norms of behaviour as set and controlled by men (Sen, 2005: 50).

HBV also disproportionately targets women more so than men and so should be

subsumed under DV because it is an example of female oppression and gender

inequality (Reddy, 2014: 31-32; Aujla and Gill, 2014: 154-155). If men are targeted,

it is usually because they are seen to have dishonoured a female. In the honour killing

cases of R v Chomir Ali [2011] EWCA Crim 1011 and R v Ibrahim and Iqbal [2011]

EWCA Crim 3244, both cases involved male victims, although the latter was a case

of mistaken identity. Thus, there appears to be a growing acceptance that men are

potentially the targets of HBV just like in DV cases. Dyer cites 22 women and 7 men

were victims of honour killings/attempted honour killings in the UK in the last 5 years

(Dyer, 2015: 16). Whoever HBV is committed against, at the centre is male

domination over those who are weaker, bearing some similarity with DV (Rexvid and

Schlytter, 2012; Reddy, 2014: 32).

Although acts of HBV are generally understood to be a form of patriarchal

violence, like DV this does not preclude women inflicting violence upon other

women/men or women adopting a role in policing other women’s behaviour (Pope,

2004: 108; Sen, 2005: 50). HBV may equally involve female on female violence or

even female on male violence. In a number of academic works, mothers have been

implicated in the infliction of HBV upon daughters (Akinpar, 2003: 425-426; Wilson,

2006: 32-33; Elden, 2010: 128-130; Husseini, 2010: 157).

One explanation for female-on-female violence is that patriarchal

communities will often look to mothers and make them responsible for teaching

daughters what is acceptable behaviour within their social settings (Wilson, 2006: 30).

Older women in particular will strive hard to work in the interests of families and



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