Russia revolution and dictatorship 2N 1917-1953 (2N)
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Essay Russia Stalins victory in power struggle
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Russia revolution and dictatorship 2N 1917-1953 (2N)
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AQA
A* top marks a level history essay for the 2N module of revolution and dictatorship
essay question- ‘Evaluate the view that Stalin’s victory in the power struggle between 1922 and 1929 was due to the popularity of his policies’
Russia revolution and dictatorship 2N 1917-1953 (2N)
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‘Evaluate the view that Stalin’s victory in the power struggle between 1922 and 1929 was
due to the popularity of his policies’
The popularity of Stalin’s policies played a contributary role in Stalin’s victory in the power
struggle, only facilitated by Stalin allowing himself to shift ideologically to suit his needs and
push out opponents in the power struggle, highlighting how crucial his ability to manipulate
his opponents’ weaknesses was. However, despite these factors playing an important
contributary role, without the powerful positions he held, such as general secretary, such
manipulation of his opponents wouldn’t have been sufficient, with Stalin relying on his
dictatorship in bureaucracy to secure their downfall and his success. Thus, the popularity of
his policies was a veneer of legitimacy to how he truly won the power struggle through his
dictatorship in bureaucracy.
The popularity of his policies played a contributory role in Stalin’s victory providing him a
veneer of legitimacy in his popularity he gained through shifting ideologically, retaining
popularity within the central committee, and on a wider scale the party, by placing himself
in the golden middle of policies thus avoiding the scrutiny of the extreme left and right
wings of the party. This is highlighted in the growing debate that followed the 13 th party
congress in 1924 of permanent revolution vs Socialism in one country, Stalin adoption of a
policy of socialism in one country provided a veneer of nationalism and of protecting the
‘USSR’, as well as showing faith in the country and socialisms ability to meet the challenges
of economic development. This position highlights the role of the popularity of his policies
on his victory, as not only was it popular within the party highlighted in the Literary
Discussion, but it also enabled him to defeat Trotsky in 1924 who’s ideological commitment
to permanent revolution was unpopular in a party that wanted stability and feared the
continuous revolutionary turmoil Trotsky advocated. Additionally, the role of the popularity
of Stalin’s policies was demonstrated again in his ideological commitment to NEP until 1927
that allowed him to defeat the united Opposition of Trotsky, Kamenev and Zinoviev and
secured support from the peasantry. Stalin’s subsequent abandonment of NEP in 1928 and
economic shift to the left-wing policy of collectivisation and rapid industrialisation highlights
how crucial his ability to shift ideologically was as this change in policy was welcomed in the
party at a time of food shortage in 1928 and party support from radicals such as Kirov who
were increasingly angered by the ‘capitalist’ policy of NEP. This change to popular policy was
crucial to his defeat of right opposition and Bukharin and eventual victory in the power
struggle. However, largely this exemplifies Stalin’s ability to exploit the weaknesses of his
opponents and their ideological commitments rather than the pure nature and popularity of
the policies, with his success deriving from his manipulation of his opponents and their
weaknesses in the face of his ideological detachment. Additionally, despite Stalin appealing
to the bureaucracy and party members, this being vital as inherently they were who was
voting for him; the gravity of his ‘popularity’ was only enabled due to his monopoly in the
bureaucracy and powerful positions he held that ensured his success.
Stalin’s ability to manipulate his opponents’ weaknesses and mistakes played a key
contributory role to his victory in the power struggle. Stalin was largely underestimated by
all of his rivals who instead feared Trotsky due to their underlying paranoia of Bonapartism,
with the fear of Trotsky and his power base in the Red Army of 5 million men. This in
conjunction with Trotsky’s failure to act in 1924, in fear of splitting the party, highlights the
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