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A*: Evaluate the view the modern presidency is an imperial presidency (30 marks)
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A* Essay. 27/30 marked by an examiner. 4 pages typed. Theoretical and practical analysis of the essay question.
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Evaluate the extent to which the modern presidency is an imperial presidency.Ever since the Nixon administration of the early 1970s, political commentators have
frequently sought to define what presidential power stands to be in the modern day. A role
which has undoubtedly transformed since Washington’s presidency in the 18th century, the
modern presidency in an increasingly globalised, interdependent world stands as one which
supposedly epitomises power on the world stage, with the US president often being
described as the most powerful man in the world. Subsequently, political scientists have
gone on to theorise patterns of presidential power and why we see both seemingly weaker
and stronger presidents. Schlesinger proposed the theory of an imperial, and by contrast
imperilled, presidency in 1973, the former of which pertains to a presidency which easily
exceeds constitutional powers, acting unilaterally and without great constraint from
Congress or the Supreme Court. The ‘imperial presidency’ certainly reflects the foreign
policy of the Nixon administration, mainly in regard to the Vietnam War, fought without
Congressional consent. Nixon’s excessive fulfilment of his role as ‘Commander in Chief’ in
Vietnam was a key driver in Schlesinger’s theory, supported in contrast by the ‘imperilled’
presidencies of Nixon’s successors, Ford and Carter, both of whose powers were severely
curbed by Congressional checks. Schlesinger’s theory can also be seen to relate to the idea of
the cyclical nature of power, by which after a powerful president follows one severely
limited by Congress, almost as a compensation for the exertion of the previous president’s
power. Again, this is something very evident with Ford and Carter’s presidencies following
the more ‘imperial’ Nixon, then the more ‘imperial’ Reagan after Carter. Yet whilst the
theory of imperial and imperilled presidencies stands to reason for the presidents of the
1970s and 1980s, it lacks depth in that it doesn’t account for numerous other factors the
modern presidency faces. Defining modern presidential power is by no means black and
white, but rather fundamentally dependent on circumstance, personal attributes and other
factors. The modern presidency requires a complex definition in regard to how its powers
are exercised, but it is clear that it cannot just be described as ‘imperial’.
Looking at the root of presidential power, the Founding Fathers intended to create a role
severely limited by the other branches of government, with powers more limited, rather
than given, by the Constitution. Key checks on the President’s powers include Senate
approval for executive or judicial appointments, impeachment or the congressional ability
to override presidential vetoes. Consequently, Neustadt’s theory on presidential power is
one to consider. Neustadt perceives the presidency as inherently weak, akin to the
Founding Fathers’ intentions, and so for a president to be comparatively powerful, they
must utilise their power of persuasion to exercise any real power. Neustadt’s ‘power of
persuasion’ theory relates strongly to a clear personal attribute determining presidential
power: oratory. A trait which Ford and Carter clearly lacked, the ability to speak eloquently
certainly helped the more ‘imperial’ presidents Obama and Reagan to exert power, being
able not only to influence Congress, but mobilise public opinion, allowing them to persuade
toward their legislative initiatives. It could be said that the passage of the 2010 Affordable
Care Act could in part be owed to Obama’s persuasional and oratory skills, without which
may have never gained the support or traction to pass through Congress. That in mind,
Nancy Pelosi’s congressional experience was a key factor in Obamacare’s passage, in
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