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’You have one channel, we have 39’ | Functions of- and impediments to the relationships between Cambodian media and political parties during the 2008 National Assembly election campaign$13.94
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’You have one channel, we have 39’ | Functions of- and impediments to the relationships between Cambodian media and political parties during the 2008 National Assembly election campaign
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Universiteit Utrecht (UU)
’You have one channel, we have 39’ | Functions of- and impediments to the relationships between Cambodian media and political parties during the 2008 National Assembly election campaign
My bachelor thesis in History that resulted from field research in Cambodia in 2008. It was awarded with a...
2 Methodology............................................................................................11
2.1 Triangulation and Data..............................................................................11
2.1.1 National Newspapers.............................................................................12
2.1.2 Interviews.................................................................................................12
3 The Cambodian Media Sector............................................................. 15
3.1 History....................................................................................................... 15
3.1.1 Post-UNTAC............................................................................................16
3.2 Structure.................................................................................................... 17
3.2.1 Television, Radio and Newspapers......................................................17
3.3 Consumption............................................................................................. 19
3.4 Demography...............................................................................................22
3.5 The Law......................................................................................................23
3.6 Patterns and Trends.................................................................................. 23
3.6.1 Corruption and the Judiciary............................................................... 24
3.6.2 Culture of Impunity............................................................................... 25
3.6.3 UNTAC Criminal Law........................................................................... 26
3.7 Political Alignment................................................................................... 28
3.7.1 Television, Radio and Newspapers......................................................29
3.8 ‘Press Freedom’.......................................................................................... 30
3.9 Conclusion................................................................................................. 31
4 Media As Mouthpieces......................................................................... 33
4.1 Access to Information................................................................................ 33
4.1.1 Political Alignment and Political Bias..................................................34
4.1.2 Methodology and Data.......................................................................... 34
4.2 Media Arrangements................................................................................. 36
4.3 State Broadcasting Media Before the Election Campaign......................... 36
4.4 Cambodian Media During the Election Campaign................................... 37
4.4.1 State Broadcasting Media...................................................................... 37
4.4.2 Private Broadcasting Media.................................................................. 38
4.4.2.1 Television................................................................................................. 38
4.4.2.2 Radio......................................................................................................... 39
4.4.2.3 International Radio................................................................................. 40
4.4.2.4 Newspapers............................................................................................. 40
4.5 Conclusion................................................................................................. 41
2
,5 An Opportunity For Nationalism....................................................... 43
5.1 Background................................................................................................ 44
5.2 Distraction and Nationalism..................................................................... 45
5.2.1 CPP-advantage........................................................................................ 46
5.3 Conclusion................................................................................................. 47
6 Limiting Freedom Of Expression....................................................... 48
6.1 Impediments.............................................................................................. 49
6.1.1 Political Parties….................................................................................... 49
6.1.2 Radio Stations.......................................................................................... 49
6.1.2.1 NEC Weakness........................................................................................ 50
6.1.3 Newspapers............................................................................................. 51
6.1.3.1 Moneaksekar Khmer.............................................................................. 51
6.1.3.2 Murder of Khim Sambor........................................................................52
6.1 Conclusion................................................................................................. 54
Over the past century, Cambodian media – especially broadcast media
– have established themselves as some of the most important sources of
information for Cambodian citizens. By 2008, thousand of people were
working various jobs in the Cambodian media sector. Like all Cambodian
citizens, those working in the media sector were and are legally entitled to
freedom of opinion and expression, press, publication, access to
information, and all other human rights as stipulated in international
covenants and conventions.
Due to a combination of poverty, illiteracy, and problems with
distribution and coverage, access to information is greatest in Phnom
Penh and some provincial capitals, and diminishes while going further
into the countryside. While this means that newspapers have the least
coverage of all media, their smaller audiences also explain their relatively
greater ability to freely express themselves. Most media are aligned with a
political party and again most of them are aligned with the ruling
Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), including all television and almost all
radio stations. Due to widespread corruption, political patrons often back
media outlets; the judiciary favours those in government – often by using
UNTAC Criminal Law to persecute critics of the government while
upholding a culture of impunity for the rich and powerful; and bribery
and blackmailing are all but unheard of. A general lack of professionalism
in most of Khmer-language media is both a cause and effect of tensions
between media and politics.
During the 2008 election campaign, the political alignment of most
media resulted in widespread politically biased information being
disseminated to the public – mostly in favour of the ruling CPP. This was
obvious for television stations, both those state-run and those privately
owned, as all of them favoured the government/CPP. The general trend
was one of lauding the government/CPP for its achievements while
criticizing opposition parties – mostly focusing on the main opposition
Sam Rainsy Party. The majority of radio stations did the same, though
with some dissenting voices. While internationally sponsored initiatives
provided some more balanced coverage on state broadcasting channels,
their duration and coverage was relatively limited. Moreover, its effect is
questionable amidst the prevalent pro-CPP private media that were not
subject to any regulations. Newspapers too disseminated information
favourable to their respective supported parties though their English-
language versions remained largely neutral.
In June and July of 2008, Cambodia and Thailand confronted each
other over ownership of the 11th century temple of Preah Vihear. As both
the main opposition party in Thailand and political parties in Cambodia
tried to capitalize on the issue, both countries sent troops to the area –
resulting in a tense military standoff that lasted for months. During
4
, election times, both the military standoff itself and the eventual granting
of World Heritage Status to the temple by UNESCO proved beneficial to
the CPP’s electoral support. While all Cambodian parties attempted to
capitalize on the event by using nationalist rhetoric, the CPP – through its
superior control over the media and its sole claim to military prowess –
was able to turn the issue to its advantage. The economic interests of both
governments limited nationalist persuasion. Nevertheless, when
Cambodia was granted the status in early July, the government/CPP-
aligned media widely celebrated it as a ‘victory’ and congratulated those
involved through articles and advertisements – the unofficial conclusion
of an event that would influence public opinion regarding border
demarcation until at least the end of the year. As long as the media keep
up their political alignment, similar events in the future are likely to
follow the same pattern.
Accordingly, the relationships between Cambodian media and
political parties had three functions during the 2008 election campaign. 1)
Most media endeavoured to disseminate information beneficial to the
party that they were aligned with and disadvantageous to other parties –
including providing a platform to defectors. 2) Political parties used their
respective media to capitalize on the military standoff with Thailand by
using nationalist rhetoric – though only the CPP was able to make
significant headway. 3) Because of the entwinement of media and politics,
law suits against and arrests of media personnel were regarded and used
as an indirect political threat to the affiliated party. Sometimes, however,
there was no such relationship: a small number of media endeavoured to
provide information that was not biased towards any party.
Conversely, there were four impediments to the relationships between
Cambodian media and political parties in this period. 1) The government
sometimes arbitrarily closed down a number of opposition-aligned radio
stations and newspapers for reasons of criticism towards them and
violation of the National Election Committee’s guidelines. 2) People in
government used the tried UNTAC Criminal law to sue media stations
and personnel from opposition media in order to prevent them from
making accusatory comments. 3) The imprisonment of the Sam Rainsy
Party-aligned newspaper Moneaksekar Khmer’s editor-in-chief and SRP
representative, and the subsequent murder of one of its journalists, was
considered by many as a warning not to engage in politically sensitive
issues. 4) The level of violence was low in comparison with previous
elections, and may therefore be seen as a positive development for the
relationships between political parties and the media. However, it may
also serve as an indication of the CPP’s growing consolidation of power
over political and economic institutions and Cambodian media – hence
reducing the need for violence to rule the country.
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