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A* OCR History NEA

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Detailed A* NEA History Coursework OCR Received 36/40 with full bibliography Question: Assess the view that propaganda was the most significant factor in maintaining Nazi control in German society between .

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  • September 10, 2023
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Gursimran Sapra - 5915


Assess the view that propaganda was the most significant factor in maintaining Nazi
control in German society between 1933-1939.


Traditionally, the Third Reich was a totalitarian state cultivated by a propaganda machine led
by Adolf Hitler, who was named chancellor on January 30th, 1933. The exact source that
maintained Nazi control in German society between 1933-1939 is debated. However, its
origins are traced to propaganda through Joseph Goebbels' mastermind. Historians Ian
Kershaw and Alison Kitson contend that a “Hitler myth” was created.1 Having faced national
humiliation after the “backstabbing” Weimar Republic collapsed, German society “thirsted”
for a “God-like” figure to shape their way of life to sustain political and economic stability.
The “economic miracle” Nazi Germany faced was created through propaganda, ensuring
that civilians recognised it for the regime to gain German approval. This argument is
emphasised by Richard Ovary and Richard J. Evans, with the interventionalist government
impressively eradicating unemployment by 1937, thus, increasing support for the Nazi
regime under Hitler.2 A recent interpretation is that control was maintained through consent,
as civilians contributed to the regime through denunciations.3 Gellately’s argument is quickly
limited; he argues that Nazi control would have remained, regardless of the terror used.
Conversely, Historian Eric Johnson argues against this, rightfully so; downplaying terror’s
effect on German society is unfair.4 It minimises the repression used by the government on
the “undesirables” and political opposition groups. Therefore, the interpretation that terror
was the most significant factor that maintained Nazi control in German society is most
convincing. Terror purged opposition with German consent in an illusion of a prosperous
economy rather than rebelling against an extreme inhumane state. Thus, the Nazis could
govern the state for such a long period. Propaganda alone could not maintain control; it
solely fueled the regime. Without violence, fear would not have been instilled in German
society. Therefore, terror was the most dominant factor; it created a brutal and intimidating
era in which oppression ruled a society through coercion, making conforming to Nazi control
inevitable.




1 Ian Kershaw The "Hitler Myth": Image and Reality in the Third Reich (1980)
2 (block leader)
3 Zelnhefer, Siegfried (ndg) "Der Stürmer. Deutsches Wochenblatt zum Kampf um die
Wahrheit" Historisches Lexikon Bayerns
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/004724410403400420?journalCode=jesa
page 376 Book Review: Recasting German Identity. Culture, Politics and Literature in the Berlin
Republic Joachim Whaley December 1, 2004
4 Edkins, Jenny (2003). Trauma and the memory of politics. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.

, Gursimran Sapra - 5915


Sustained evidence exists that propaganda was an underlying factor in the success of Nazi
control maintained in Germany. The position of German society is vital to appraise first;
propaganda did not magically surface in 1933, causing Germans to conform. Instead, the
psychological impacts of repeated information during economic stress and Weimar’s past
“betrayals” of the Treaty of Versailles offered the Nazis leverage to sustain control,
manipulating the nation’s feelings. This is evident in Hitler’s speech in 1937, stating their
signature withdrawal from the Treaty that made Germany “less” of a country.5 This reminder
of the Treaty allowed the success of Nazi propagandists, strengthening the support for the
regime, creating Hitler’s heroic image. The “thirst” for a leader, who could stabilise a nation,
floundered under the tutelage of the Weimar Government grew.6 Therefore, propaganda was
a crucial political weapon recognised by Hitler.


Goebbels, the Minister of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda in March 1933, penetrated
German society, presenting the state’s enemies and restoring national pride through the
glorification of Hitler in newspapers, posters, and films. An example of this was the
Nuremberg Rallies, documented by Leni Riefenstahl in 1934, whom Hitler appointed to
create propaganda films. Over one million people participated in the rally, showcasing the
state’s power. However, the film was a stage interpretation, which proves her loyalty to the
regime, perfecting the state's outlook. Riefenstahl was Germany's most respected and
popular woman for making successful propaganda films using fascist aesthetics. It
presented two different themes: “the triumph of a strong Germany and the triumph of the
leader's will.”7 The film depicted this by portraying Hitler in isolation as a strong leader. The
second was by showing large ceremonies. Despite claims of being unaware the film had
propaganda intent and being forced, solely being recorded for “history”,8 the director’s
friendship with Hitler whilst being funded by the NSDAP said otherwise. Hitler being
introduced on a plane above society, surrounded by light and clouds was crucial; Riefenstahl
depicts Hitler as a God-like figure to emphasise his power as the supreme leader. This
enabled the regime to gain more followers, as individuals felt isolated from society.
Conforming strengthened the control by being in a resilient community. Despite this,
propaganda was limited, as not everybody wanted to worship Hitler. Groups like the Hitler
Youth were compulsory in March 1939. Of those aged between 10-18 years, 8.7 million out



5 Zeller, Driving Germany, p. 62.
6 Erhard Schütz and Eckhard Gruber, Mythos Reichsautobahn: Bau und Inszenierung der 'Straßen des
Führers' 1933–1941, Berlin: Links, 1996 pp. 58–60.
7 Thomas Kunze and Rainer Stommer, "Geschichte der Reichsautobahn", in: Reichsautobahn: Pyramiden
des Dritten Reichs. Analysen zur Ästhetik eines unbewältigten Mythos, ed. Rainer Stommer with Claudia
Gabriele Philipp, Marburg: Jonas, 1982,p. 28.
8 Schütz and Gruber, p. 57.

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