Case 5 Origins of aggression: Nurture
1. How does being part of a group or not influence aggression
Article Reijntjes
- People often displace their anger and aggression against innocent targets, sometimes
called scapegoats. Tragic historic events suggest that members of ethnic minority out-
groups may be especially likely to be innocent targets. The current experiment
examined displaced aggression of Dutch youths against Dutch in-group peers versus
Moroccan out-group peers. Participants (N = 137, Mage = 11.6 years) completed a
personal profile that was allegedly evaluated by Dutch peer judges. After randomly
receiving negative or neutral feedback from these peers, participants were given the
opportunity to aggress against other innocent Dutch and Moroccan peers by taking
money earned away from them. Results showed that in response to negative feedback,
participants displaced aggression disproportionally against innocent Moroccan out-
group targets. This effect was not driven by ethnic prejudice; in both conditions,
participants holding more negative attitudes of Moroccans engaged in higher levels of
aggression regardless of the ethnicity of the target.
Introduction
- displaced aggression was more likely to occur when the level of provocation was high
and when provocateurs were unavailable for direct retaliation. Trait aggressiveness
was positively associated with both types of aggression. In contrast, dispositional
callousness (i.e., proneness to make use of others coldheartedly and the relative
absence of guilt and empathy) predicted displaced but not direct aggression,
suggesting that different factors may contribute to the propensity to harm innocent
others versus provocateurs.
- the stronger the dissimilarity between the aggressor and the potential targets of
displaced aggression, the higher the level of displaced aggression may be. ethnicity
may be an important attribute influencing who will become the target of displaced
aggression.
- The current study was designed to examine whether Dutch majority youths are more
likely to exhibit displaced aggression against Arab ethnic minority out-group peers
than against native Dutch in-group peers. young adolescents were studied. One reason
for examining youths in this developmental stage is that negative attitudes toward out-
group members are relatively malleable compared with later ages when negative
attitudes toward out-groups are more deeply ingrained and resistant to change.
- Participants were Dutch youths who were randomly assigned to receive either negative
or neutral peer feedback from other same-gender, same-age Dutch youths.
Subsequently, they were provided with the opportunity to aggress against four other
uninvolved same-gender, same-age peers: two Dutch and two Moroccan. Thus, the
ethnicity of the peers served as the manipulated within-participants factor. The index
of aggression was modeled after the widely used point subtraction aggression
paradigm and consisted of giving participants the option of taking away game earnings
from each of the four peers. We also examined the role of participants’ attitudes
toward Moroccan peers.
- We hypothesized that participants who received negative peer feedback would exhibit
greater levels of displaced aggression against out-group Moroccan peers than against
in-group Dutch peers. We expected that this effect would be stronger among
participants holding more negative prejudiced attitudes toward Moroccan peers. Low
levels of aggression were expected for participants who received neutral feedback
regardless of the ethnic background of the target.
Method
1
, - 137 Dutch youths aged 10 to 13 year, 2 weeks before the experiment proper, children
completed a 5-item measure assessing attitudes toward Moroccan peers, In the
experiment proper, participants were tested individually at their schools. They were
told that they would compete in an internet contest called ‘‘Survivor’’ in which
players are evaluated by a panel of four same-gender Dutch peer judges from different
schools. After a short wait, participants were given 3 min to look over the judges’
feedback. By clicking on a judge’s photo, participants could read what that particular
judge (allegedly) said about them. Each judge wrote four statements. Participants were
randomly assigned to receive negative feedback or neutral feedback from judges.
Next, participants were provided with the opportunity to aggress against four other
uninvolved same-age, same-gender peers by deciding how much money they should
receive for participating in the study. Two were Dutch peers and two were Moroccan
peers. These uninvolved peers were introduced via a short profile that included their
picture, age, name, and residence and the number of siblings. The default fee was 2
euros. Participants could leave this amount unchanged, subtract 1€ or 2€, or add 1€ or
2€. Displaced aggression was indexed as the total number of euros participants
subtracted from the earnings of the innocent peers. This aggression measure is a
variant of the widely used point subtraction aggression paradigm
Results
- total aggression was higher for participants who received negative feedback than for
participants who received neutral feedback.
- this interaction effect was not further moderated by attitudes toward Moroccan peers,
as evidenced by a nonsignificant three-way interaction effect among feedback
condition, ethnicity, and attitudes. Instead, results showed that in both conditions
participants who reported more negative attitudes toward Moroccan peers engaged in
higher levels of total aggression regardless of the ethnicity of the target
- participants who received negative peer feedback displayed higher levels of displaced
aggression against Moroccan out-group targets than against Dutch in-group targets
- Participants who received neutral peer feedback displayed similar levels of displaced
- aggression against Moroccan targets and Dutch targets
discussion
- this is the first study to demonstrate that ethnicity of potential targets moderates
displaced aggression. As expected, in response to negative feedback, participants
showed more displaced aggression toward Moroccan out-group targets than they did
toward Dutch in-group targets. Importantly, in the absence of negative feedback,
participants did not show more aggression against Moroccan peers. Thus, the
aggression against Moroccan peers appears to be interpersonally meaningful, and
occurs only when youths are provoked
- more negative attitudes toward Moroccan peers did not predict more aggression
against the Moroccan targets. Rather, in both feedback conditions, more prejudiced
participants emitted more aggression against both Moroccan and Dutch peers.
- Limitations: First, our findings are based on a sample of primarily middle-class Dutch
youths attending schools where ethnic diversity is relatively low. Second, the current
research focused rather narrowly on displaced aggression directed against same-
gender peers of a single stigmatized out-group. Hence, the generalizability of our
findings remains to be investigated. Third, with regard to external validity, we
acknowledge that our laboratory aggression measure shares few surface features with
real-world physical aggression.
2. What is the impact of childhood maltreatment or disciplining strategies on aggression
2
, Article Lansford
- Interviews were conducted with 336 mother – child dyads (children’s ages ranged
from 6 to 17 years; mothers’ ages ranged from 20 to 59 years) in China, India, Italy,
Kenya, the Philippines, and Thailand to examine whether normativeness of physical
discipline moderates the link between mothers’ use of physical discipline and
children’s adjustment. Multilevel regression analyses revealed that physical discipline
was less strongly associated with adverse child outcomes in conditions of greater
perceived normativeness, but physical discipline was also associated with more
adverse outcomes regardless of its perceived normativeness. Countries with the lowest
use of physical discipline showed the strongest association between mothers’ use and
children’s behavior problems, but in all countries higher use of physical discipline was
associated with more aggression and anxiety
Introduction
- physical discipline is associated with more child behavior problems such as
aggression, delinquency, and criminality
- If parenting behaviors do relate differently to children’s adjustment depending on the
contexts in which these behaviors are situated, this seriously challenges many
prevailing theories of parent effects.
- parental acceptance–rejection theory: if children interpret their parents’ behavior as
rejection, it will have deleterious effects on their adjustment. children’s perception of
parental rejection is the strongest correlate of their maladjustment.
- the effect of discipline may depend on the context in which it is used and the meaning
it delivers for the parent and child .
- Our primary aim is to test the hypothesis that the association between parents’
discipline strategies and child adjustment is moderated by the normativeness of the
discipline strategy.
- We hypothesize that under conditions of cultural normativeness, there is little
association between physical discipline and children’s adjustment difficulties. Instead,
it is only in circumstances where physical discipline is non-normative that an as
sociation will be found be-tween more frequent physical discipline and greater
adjustment difficulties.
- There are at least two main ways to conceptualize cultural normativeness. The first
involves perceptions of normativeness. The second involves actual normativeness.
- To test the cultural normativeness explanation explicitly and expand the scope of
inquiry beyond ethnic differences in the United States, six countries(i.e., China, India,
Italy, Kenya, the Philippines, and Thailand) were selected for inclusion in this study
on the bas is of the unique contribution that each group could make to understanding
how parents’ use of physical discipline affects children’s adjustment. we expected that
the use of physical discipline would be the most normative in Kenya. we expected
physical discipline to be less normative in China than in Kenya, India, and the
Philippines.
- Our first main hypothesis was that China, India, Italy, Kenya, the Philippines, and
Thai-land would differ in how frequently mothers used physical discipline and how
normative mothers and children perceived the use of physical discipline to be in their
country. Our second main hypothesis was that associations between parents’ use of
physical discipline and child adjustment would be moderated by mothers’ and
children’s perceptions of the normativeness of physical discipline as well as the actual
normativeness of physical discipline.
Method
3
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