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Violent Societies - Lecture Notes
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Lecture notes on all lectures. The first three lectures also include summary of the readings.
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Violent SocietiesReadings:
https://courses.library.leiden.edu/public/course/WHCRS00146
Lecture 1 – Readings
• Ray, L. (2011). Violence & Society, Sage publications, London → Sociology handbook
o Chapter 1
The text explores the concept of violence within a sociological framework, emphasizing the importance of social context in
understanding violent acts. It challenges the notion of "senseless violence," arguing that violence always has social meaning for
both perpetrators and victims. The targets of violence are rarely random, and the act often arises from past experiences, cultural
definitions, and ritual properties.The author discusses the controversies surrounding the causes of violence and the difficulty in
defining it. Various definitions are presented, ranging from narrow, physical force-oriented definitions to broader, comprehensive
ones that include psychological and social harm. The distinction between instrumental and expressive violence is explored, where
instrumental violence is goal-oriented, and expressive violence is performed for intrinsic gratification. The text raises questions
about the social and political context influencing definitions of violence, as well as the contested nature of certain acts, such as
consensual sadomasochistic activities or participation in sports like boxing. It concludes by acknowledging the complexity of the
topic and the need for detailed analyses of the dynamics of violence and aggression.
Furthermore, the text discusses the historical neglect of violence within sociological theory, considering it as residual to
questions of social integration, power, and conflict. It highlights how violence has been under-theorized, even by prominent
sociologists like Marx and Weber, who focused more on social order and legitimate domination. Durkheim's analysis of violence,
particularly his concept of "piacular rituals," is presented as an exception, pointing toward the mimetic dynamics of violence. The
relationship between violence and power is explored, with Arendt emphasizing the distinction between power and violence, and
Giddens discussing violence in the context of military power and the nation-state's "monopoly of violence." The text questions
whether violence may be a source of power, especially when exercised by the powerful, and examines the complex dynamics of
power encoded in systems of communication and normativity. The role of violence in collective identity formation, expressions of
alienation, and perceived powerlessness is discussed, emphasizing the availability of languages of justifiable violence. The text
suggests that violence may follow from a sense of powerlessness, blinding rage, and a desire for justice. It also touches on the
desensitization to violence and the rationalization of moral obligations. In conclusion, the text calls for a more nuanced
examination of the discourses and practices that authorize violent actions, considering the complex array of exculpatory
resentments and imagined harms involved in justifying violence.
Finally, the last passage discusses various theoretical explanations for violence, exploring biological/evolutionary,
psychological, sociological, and criminological perspectives. Biological theories often attribute aggression as an innate trait, while
criminological theories like Differential Association focus on learned criminal behavior transmitted through generations. Strain
and institutional anomie theory suggests that societal disparities lead to crime. Subcultural theories propose that delinquency
arises from rejecting dominant values. Control theories shift focus to why people do not commit crimes, emphasizing social bonds
and self-control. Conflict theories, rooted in Marxism, link crime to societal inequalities. Interactionist theories examine micro-
dynamics of violent situations, focusing on confrontational tension-fear. The passage also critiques causality in social sciences and
explores violence's historical and evolutionary contexts. The influence of Norbert Elias' "civilizational process" theory, which
posits a decline in interpersonal violence linked to changing social norms, is discussed. The author argues against evolutionary
explanations for contemporary violence, highlighting the importance of recognizing violence as socially and culturally organized.
o Chapter 2
The text explores the origins of violence, discussing evolutionary theories that attribute human aggressiveness to primal hunting
instincts and defense of territory. Arguments draw on comparisons with pre-human primates, particularly chimpanzees, who
display organized violence. However, alternative views challenge the notion of innate human aggressiveness, suggesting that early
human societies may have been largely egalitarian and peaceful. The text examines debates on the role of violence in human
evolution, ranging from claims of a "civilizational process" promoting self-control to skepticism about evolutionary arguments.
Social and political theorists, such as Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Marx, and Durkheim, are mentioned for their perspectives on the
"state of nature" and the original condition of humanity. The text also critiques instinctivist theories, like Freud's, which posit
innate aggressiveness, and presents opposing views that emphasize human tendencies towards empathy and cooperation. The
discussion extends to the Neolithic Revolution and the rise of state societies, associating stratification and warfare with complex
social organization. Fromm argues that urbanization led to non-adaptive malignant aggression, manifested in destructive behaviors
like nationalism and the pursuit of power.
Furthermore, the text discusses the historical perspective on prehistoric violence, challenging the idea of a peaceful
primitive existence. Contrary to earlier beliefs, evidence from primates and paleo-archaeology suggests that prehistoric societies
experienced both periodic hostility and docility, with war being ubiquitous. The link between lethal aggression among primates
and humans is explored, suggesting that the development of weapons might be tied to intraspecific violence in response to
ecological crises and dominance struggles. The concept of "evolutionary inertia" is introduced, proposing that violence is a
behavior that persists despite no longer serving a useful purpose.
,The archaeological record is examined for evidence of early human aggression, with some difficulty in proving unambiguous
instances. While early human societies are often portrayed as peaceful, ethnographic records reveal that many pre-state societies
were not as peaceful as previously thought. The text also explores the idea of a discontinuity in human development, challenging
the notion that violence and aggression are inherent consequences of evolutionary inertia. Different perspectives on the role of
violence in human evolution are presented, including arguments that violence is a cultural style or reflex of political-economic
conflict, rather than an innate trait. The discussion emphasizes the need for micro-sociological evidence on the situations in which
violence occurred and highlights the complexity of attributing violence to either biological, psychological, or social factors. The
text concludes by suggesting that patterns of state-organized violence are more rooted in hierarchical and military social structures
than in the distant past of the human species.
The last passage discusses the symbolic context of violence in prehistoric societies, critiquing the emphasis on
osteological data and calling for consideration of cultural meanings. Cannibalism is explored, with different types identified, and
the controversy around claims of gustatory cannibalism is highlighted. The text emphasizes the importance of understanding the
cultural meanings of violence, particularly in rituals and social practices. The second part explores the relationship between
violence and social bonds, questioning how warring individuals formed stable cooperation. The role of emotions, especially
shame and alienation, is discussed as potential sources of violence. The passage concludes by arguing against a simplistic
evolutionary perspective on violence, emphasizing the importance of symbolic communication, social organization, and cultural
meanings in understanding this complex behavior.
• de Courson, B., Frankenhuis, W.E., Nettle, D., van Gelder, J.L. (2023) Why is violence high and persistent in
deprived communities? A formal model. Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences
The introduction discusses the significant variation in levels of interpersonal violence across different times and places,
emphasizing the role of macro-level factors such as economic conditions, poverty, and inequality in explaining this variation. The
persistence of violence in certain communities, even with economic improvement, is highlighted. Various criminological theories
at population and individual levels are presented, including the impact of poverty, inequality, and time preferences on violent
behavior. The article introduces a formal model to explain the observed phenomena, aiming to demonstrate its generative
sufficiency and eliminate ambiguity. The proposed model suggests that violence is a contextually appropriate response influenced
by individual decisions based on resources and others' behaviors, creating potential suboptimal outcomes for the population. The
study argues that violence should be viewed as a response to the costs and benefits associated with living in a particular context,
rather than an individual dysfunction. To analyze violence as a contextually appropriate response, the article focuses on
interpersonal violence involving physical harm for instrumental or reputational motives. The concept of violence as a toughness
signal is incorporated, suggesting that deprived or unequal neighborhoods may have more individuals at risk of exploitation,
leading to an incentive for non-desperate individuals to display toughness signals to protect themselves. The formalization of the
proposed model involves two key assumptions: that being violent reduces the likelihood of being targeted for property crime and
that individuals have a desperation threshold below which falling is harmful. This threshold concept is derived from optimal
foraging theory and ethnographic descriptions, suggesting that individuals strive to meet basic needs to avoid substantial declines
in well-being. The article aims to assess the explanatory power of the desperation threshold for understanding the socio-economic
gradient of violence.
The model is described in detail, combining an individual-level optimal decision model and a population structure. The
individual-level component uses stochastic dynamic programming to optimize decisions based on an agent's dynamic state
variable representing resources. A desperation threshold is introduced, below which agents are penalized. The model includes
various strategies like exploitation, violence, and submission, with agents choosing the strategy maximizing their fitness. The
population structure involves simulating large populations of interacting agents with different resource levels, examining how
economic context affects violence levels. Individual strategies and fitness are determined by resource levels, prevalence of
violence, and prevalence of exploitation. Exploitation is disincentivized by potential costs, and violence serves as a toughness
signal to reduce the likelihood of being exploited. Population simulations demonstrate that poverty and inequality increase the
desperation rate, leading to higher violence prevalence. The model exhibits multiple equilibria and hysteresis, suggesting that
historical factors can result in persistent differences in violence levels between equally deprived or unequal communities. The
hysteresis effect holds if toughness signals are efficient and the experience of desperation is persistent. The model's results are
presented visually, showing the relationship between desperation rate and equilibrium frequencies of violence and exploitation.
The discussion highlights key findings of the model regarding violence rates, economic factors, and persistence. The
model suggests that a single mechanism, driven by two assumptions (desperation threshold and violence as a 'toughness signal'),
can account for varying violence rates associated with economic deprivation and inequality. Desperation triggers risk-prone
behavior, and violence, instead of deterring exploitation, acts as a deflector. The model predicts persistent violence due to
bistability and hysteresis, influenced by historical conditions. The discussion explores why violence is persistent, diverging from
standard game theory predictions. The assumption of a 'toughness reputation' counteracts negative frequency dependence,
resulting in a positive feedback loop where violence begets violence. The model's predictions align with empirical evidence
showing significant variation in violence rates across communities. It emphasizes the consequences of historical conditions on
violence rates, challenging the idea that violence should homogenize due to frequency dependence. The relative poverty versus
absolute poverty distinction is discussed, with the model asserting that only absolute poverty, not relative poverty, increases
violence through the proportion of desperate agents. This prediction may differ from some empirical findings, suggesting that
variations in the desperation threshold across communities could influence the model's results. Future directions and potential
extensions of the model are outlined, including exploring nuanced levels of violence and considering a reputation based on actual
,fights. The model generates testable predictions for empirical studies, such as the impact of neighborhood economic situations on
individuals' attitudes toward violence. Implications for public policy and intervention are discussed, highlighting the model's
prediction that helping the poorest individuals can have a ripple effect, reducing violence across the entire population. The non-
linear relationship between intervention magnitude and change is emphasized, challenging the use of linear models in evaluating
interventions. In conclusion, the model provides a simple yet comprehensive explanation for the observed variations in violence
rates, the impact of economic factors, and the persistence of violence over time. It offers insights into the complex interplay
between individual decisions and population dynamics in understanding violence.
Lecture 1 – Welcome & Introductions
Key concepts:
Interpersonal violence: “traditional” definition: physical harm to another person, often with some degree of intent
• Physical harm can be a limited explanation, because there can also be emotional abuse etc.
Violent societies: the meaning given to violence in a certain society. Theoretical perspective: violence is a extreme
negative thing that is very powerful both symbolically and practically. Violence is meaningful in society, regardless
whether it is high or low.
Violence as a social phenomenon: patterns of violent behavior: how does a society work, what kind of violence are
common/rare. What kind of perpetrator do we excuse/punish. Which one do shock us the most or not at all. Pressure
points in the society.
Given (1977)
“Each society […] has its own specific patterns of violent behaviour, patterns that are […] characteristic of it and
unique to it. The study of the patterns of violence dramatically reveals the tensions and conflicts that this society
engenders. A study of violence is therefore of value to anyone interested in the dynamics of social interaction.”
- Imagine 2 fictional societies…
-
- Pressure points/issues this society struggles with
- In society 2: maybe some domestic violence is not reported to Police
- In society 1: so much domestic violence, maybe gender issue
Disciplinary background: criminology, psychology, sociology, anthropology
- Violence in Sociology: ‘structural’ violence: violence arising from social structures. E.g. oppression
o Collective violence: involving groups
o Interpersonal violence: between people
o Self-directed violence: self-harm, suicide
Violence
• Macro-level perspectives on Violence
o Structural violence: is a form of violence wherein some social structure or social institution may
harm people by preventing them from meeting their basic needs
o Symbolic violence: describes a type of non-physical violence manifested in the power differential
between social groups. It is often unconsciously agreed upon by both parties and is manifested in an
imposition of the norms of the group possessing greater social power on those of the subordinate
group
o Slow violence: is violence which occurs gradually and is not necessarily visible. Slow violence is
‘incremental and accretive’, contrasted with other violences that are spectacular and instantaneous.
The key outcome of slow violence is environmental degradation, long-term pollution and climate
change.
Key idea
• Violence ‘inherent’ in social organisation
o Hierarchies
o Inequality
o Injustice
• Contribute to oppression
, • Shape patterns of interpersonal violence
o Not random
• Interpersonal violence reflects very fundamental aspects of the society in which we live
o How we treat each other
o Who we value and protect (or not)
o How we respond when someone transgresses
Violence in psychology
- Bio-Psycho-Social Model
-
- Neuroscience: at interaction of all those things
Social-Psych
• Emphasis on the Psycho-Social components (less attention to bio)
• Also: what is meant by social tends to be taken from Sociology
o Not family relationships or friends
o But macro – social organization/hierarchy/inequality
• Focus on individual functioning within a larger *system* of social structures, cultures, communities
Cultural Anthropology:
• Branch of anthropology that focuses on human cultural variation – what do people believe? How do they
make their living? What makes a family? What makes a community? How does society structure
relationships? How do people interact with their environment?
• Historically rooted in colonization
• Methods: participant observation, surveys, interviews, audiovisual methods
• Fieldwork: period of observation/data collection with community
Key concepts:
• Ethnocentrism: seeing one’s own culture as superior/correct
• Cultural relativism: ethical and moral standards reflect culture
Classifying global regions
• Western vs nonWestern – Western Europe, the United States, Australia, New Zealand vs the rest of the
world…
• Global North vs South – high vs low GDP, high vs low standard of living, history of colonization
• WEIRD vs nonweird – Western Educated Industrialized Rich Democratic countries
• Traditional vs nontraditional – political structure independent of a modern state
False dichotomies (but we use them anyway)
• Us vs Them: false dichotomies that obscures much diversity but also similarities
• Exoticization: a form of objectification, romanticizing what is foreign
Biological Anthropology
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