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Summary - Transnational Organised Crime (RGBUSTR008) University Utrecht $7.83
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Summary - Transnational Organised Crime (RGBUSTR008) University Utrecht

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  • Vak
  • Transnational Organised Crime (RGBUSTR008)
  • Instelling
  • Universiteit Utrecht (UU)

Attached is a summary of the course Transnational Organized Crime (RGBUSTR008). All articles are briefly and concisely explained. In addition, there are short dutch summaries of the articles.

Voorbeeld 4 van de 42  pagina's

Document informatie

  • 17 oktober 2024
  • 42
  • 2024/2025
  • Samenvatting

Onderwerpen

  • utrecht
  • criminologie
  • universiteit
  • psychologie
  • rechten
  • crime

Geschreven voor

  • Universiteit Utrecht (UU)
  • Rechtsgeleerdheid
  • Transnational Organised Crime (RGBUSTR008)
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Voorbeeld van de inhoud

Table of content:

Lecture 1:
- Hobbs, D., & Antonopoulos, G. A. (2014). How to research organized crime. The Oxford
handbook of organised crime, pp. 96-117.
- Lyman, M. D., & Potter, G. W. (2007). Theories of organized criminal behaviour. Organized
crime, 4th ed, pp. 59-83.
- Rock, P. (2002). Sociological theories of crime. The Oxford handbook of criminology, 3, pp.
51-82.

Lectuur 2:
- Albanese, J.S. (2014). The Italian-American Ma a. Oxford handbook of organized crime, pp.
142-158.
- Paoli, L. (2014). The Italian Ma a. Oxford handbook of: organized crime, pp. 121-141.
Lecture 3:
- Siegel, D. (2014). Lithuanian itinerant gangs in the Netherlands. Kriminologijos Stud, 2, pp.
5-40.
- Volkov, V. (2014). The Russian Ma a: Rise and Extinction. Oxford handbook of organized crime,
pp. 159-176.

Lecture 4:
- Garz n, J. C. (2014). Fixing a Broken System: Modernizing Drug Law Enforcement in Latin
America. Amsterdam: Transnational Institute, pp. 1-16.
- Garzon, J. C. (2016). What is the relationship between organized crime and homicide in Latin
America?, Homicide Dispatch 3.
- Zaitch, D., Antonopolous, G. (2019). Organized crime in Latin America: an introduction to the
special issue, Trends in Organized Crime, 22, pp. 141-147.

Lecture 5:
- Van de Bunt, H., Siegel, D., & Zaitch, D. (2014). ‘The social embeddedness of organized crime.’
In. (ed) Paoli, L. The Oxrd Handbook of Organized Crime.
- Van Uhm, D., & Siegel, D. (2016). The illegal trade in black caviar. Trends in Organized Crime,
19(1), pp. 67- 87.
- Wyatt, T., van Uhm, D., & Nurse, A. (2020). Di erentiating criminal networks in the illegal wildlife
trade: organized, corporate and disorganized crime. Trends in Organized Crime, pp. 1-17.

Lecture 6:
- Passas, N. (2003). Cross-border crime and the interface between legal and illegal actors.
Upperworld and Underworld in Cross-Border Crime, pp. 11-41.
- Rothe, D., Kauzlarich, D. (2022). Crimes of the Powerful: White Collar Crime and Beyond,
Chapters 8 & 9

Lecture 7:
- Unger & Van Der Linde (2013) Research Handbook on Money Laundering, Chapter 1 –
Introduction
- Ferwerda, J. (2013) The e ects of money laundering, in Unger & Van Der Linde (eds) Research
Handbook on: Money Laundering.

Lecture 8:
- Jalata, A. (2011). Terrorism from Above and Below in the Age of Globalization, 1 (1), pp. 1-15.
- Rothe, D., Kauzlarich, D. (2022). Crimes of the Powerful: White Collar Crime and Beyond,
Chapter 7

(Inclusief korte Nederlandse samenvattingen van de artikelen)




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, Week 1 readings:
Hobbs, D., & Antonopoulos, G. A. (2014). How to research organized crime. The Oxford
handbook of organised crime, pp. 96-117.
1.1 The essay provides an overview of the methods used in researching organized crime,
highlighting challenges due to the ambiguity of the term "organized crime" and the di culty in
accessing reliable data. One major issue in researching organized crime is the lack of a clear
de nition, leading to political in uences on research and policy. Access to data is often restricted,
especially by law enforcement and non-governmental organization (NGO), making it di cult for
researchers to obtain accurate information.

1.2 O cial Data and Accounts
O cial data include statistical records, annual reports on organized crime, government and
parliamentary commission reports, o cial surveys, pretrial reports, trial transcripts, case les, and
databases from various law enforcement agencies such as the police, customs, and federal
agencies. These data have been crucial for many classic studies on organized crime. However,
the relationship between academic researchers and law enforcement is complex, as the data
provided by law enforcement are often ltered, re ecting the priorities and constraints of the
criminal justice system. The construction of criminal cases by law enforcement is in uenced by
resource limitations, political priorities, and the need for successful prosecutions. This results in a
selective presentation of information, often portraying individuals solely as criminals without
broader context. Consequently, the use of o cial data can be problematic, as it may o er a
limited, state-in uenced view of organized crime, potentially overlooking the complexity and
cultural factors involved.

1.3 Quantitative and Economic Analyses
Four types of research studies on organized crime:
1. Counting Exercises: These are conducted by government agencies, NGOs, and international
organizations to estimate gures, like the number of tra cking victims. However, these
estimates often lack clear methodologies and can be unreliable.
2. Surveys: such as those by the British Home O ce, measure organized crime's impact on
businesses and public perception. However, they face issues like shallow data, participant
truthfulness, and imposed de nitions of organized crime.
3. Quantitative and Economic Studies: These studies analyze the economics of illegal markets
using o cial reports, surveys, and unique datasets. While providing insights, they struggle
with estimating illegal activities accurately and may not be generalizable.
4. Penetration Indexes: These indexes, like those by ISTAT or Calderoni, measure organized
crime's presence and impact. They help explore relationships between crime and other factors
but are limited by data distribution and law enforcement practices.
Each type of study o ers valuable insights but also faces signi cant limitations, particularly in
terms of data reliability and methodology.

1.4 Historical/Archival Studies
Historical/Archival Studies bene t from hindsight and minimal personal risk, allowing researchers
to explore the socioeconomic contexts of crime. Historical research reveals how concepts like
"organized crime" are malleable and have evolved over time. For example, British colonial
expansion involved piracy, and the Prohibition era in the U.S. highlighted the deep entanglement
of crime with politics and economics.

Historical studies emphasize that criminal organization has long existed, showing that rapid
changes in crime trends aren't unique to the modern era. These studies challenge established
assumptions, highlight the normalcy of those involved in organized crime, and reveal the complex
causes behind criminal activities. However, historical sources often re ect the biases of their
creators, especially those in power, leading to a skewed focus on lower-level criminals rather than
elite o enders. Additionally, issues like authenticity, credibility, and representativeness of archival
sources pose challenges in evaluating their reliability. Despite these limitations, historical research
provides valuable insights into the enduring and evolving nature of organized crime.




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, 1.5 Network Analyses
Network analysis in organized crime research focuses on the social connections and interactions
within criminal groups, viewing these as dynamic networks rather than rigid hierarchies. This
approach, rooted in social science theories from the 1950s, has evolved into a sophisticated
method for understanding the structures, development, and operations of criminal networks. It
uses data such as wiretaps, case les, and autobiographies to map out relationships between
criminals and other actors. Network analysis challenges traditional views of organized crime as
hierarchical and alien, instead highlighting its uid and dynamic nature. It can reveal di erent
types of cooperation and the roles of individuals within these networks. For example, it has shown
that prostitutes in certain networks are active participants rather than just exploited subordinates.

However, this method has limitations. The hidden nature of criminal networks makes it di cult to
capture all relevant data, and the reliance on police-generated data can skew the analysis,
creating a misleading impression of stability in these networks. Additionally, network analysis
often overlooks the broader life contexts of o enders, focusing only on criminal activities.

1.6 Ethnography
Ethnographic research on organized crime provides deep insights into the cultural and social
dynamics of criminal communities, particularly hidden populations like the "serious crime
community." This approach, as exempli ed by studies like Ianni and Reuss-Ianni's research on a
New York Ma a family and Adler's work on drug smugglers, reveals the complexities of criminal
cultures, including the importance of family ties, the secretive nature of criminal life, and the
connection between organized crime and broader societal structures.

Ethnography's strength lies in its ability to uncover the lived realities of criminals, often through
direct observation and interviews. For instance, studies have explored the role of gender in the
drug trade, the manipulation of identities by criminals, and even the dynamics of online forums
related to human tra cking. However, ethnography comes with challenges, including the potential
for bias, the di culty in ensuring the accuracy of information, and the dangers faced by
researchers in the eld. While the method provides rich, detailed data, its ndings are often
di cult to generalize due to the unique contexts of each study. Despite these challenges,
ethnographic research remains invaluable for its ability to delve into the nuances of organized
crime, o ering a more humanized and detailed understanding of criminal behavior.

1.7 Interviewing O enders, Consumers/Clients, and Victims
Researchers like Zhang and Chin (2004) and Antonopoulos et al. (2011) used di erent sampling
methods to interview individuals engaged in illegal activities, such as human smuggling and the
counterfeit DVD market. The choice of sampling method often depends on the nature of the
criminal activity; more dangerous or clandestine activities require more careful approaches.

When direct access to active criminals is di cult, researchers have turned to interviewing
incarcerated o enders. These interviews provide insights into criminal networks, strategies, and
market dynamics, despite the challenges of ensuring the validity and representativeness of the
information gathered.Interviews with consumers of illegal goods and services, such as
contraband tobacco, reveal how these activities are often legitimized by the public, highlighting
the role of demand in sustaining organized crime. Additionally, interviews with victims of organized
crime, such as tra cked individuals, challenge traditional views of victimhood and show that
some victims do not perceive their situations as criminal or exploitative

1.8 Conclusion
The passage critiques the study of organized crime, urging caution against accepting the concept
at face value, as it may oversimplify complex and chaotic activities. It emphasizes the potential
bias in research due to law enforcement's control over data and the importance of not imposing
false order on disjointed criminal activities. Despite challenges, the passage acknowledges that
valuable insights can still be gained from studying organized crime, though comparative studies
are notably lacking.




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, Lyman, M. D., & Potter, G. W. (2007). Theories of organized criminal behaviour. Organized
crime, 4th ed, pp. 59-83.
Understanding organized crime is di cult, using Pablo Escobar's rise and downfall as a key
example. It questions why some individuals become involved in organized crime, considering
factors such as individual traits, social conditions, and broader societal issues.

The alien conspiracy theory suggests that organized crime in the U.S. originated with Sicilian
immigrants and their Ma a traditions, which later evolved into a network of Italian-dominated
crime families. This theory blames outsiders and outside in uences for the prevalence of
organized crime in U.S. society. This theory is supported by some law enforcement and
researchers but criticized for potentially serving the interests of these institutions by obscuring the
role of political and business corruption. While ethnic connections are highlighted, some
criminologists argue this theory exaggerates the role of ethnicity, noting that organized crime
groups often form pragmatic partnerships beyond ethnic lines. Additionally, the presence of
organized crime in U.S. cities predates signi cant Italian immigration, suggesting that immigrant
groups may have augmented, rather than created, pre-existing criminal networks.

Rational choice theory, rooted in classical criminology from the 18th century, posits that
individuals commit crimes after weighing the potential bene ts against the risks and
consequences. Originating from thinkers like Cesare Beccaria and Jeremy Bentham, this theory
views criminals as free agents making reasoned decisions. Rational choice theory suggests that
people who commit crimes do so after considering the risks of detection and punishment for the
crimes (risk assessment), as well as the rewards (personal, nancial, etc.) of completing these
acts successfully. According to this perspective, crime occurs when the perceived rewards
outweigh the risks of detection and punishment. The theory emphasizes that punishment should
be severe enough to deter criminal behavior. In the context of organized crime, while nancial
incentives are signi cant, other factors such as the need for acceptance or respect within a
criminal organization can also in uence criminal decisions.

Deterrence theory suggests that crime can be prevented if potential criminals fear punishment. It
comprises two types: general deterrence and special deterrence. General deterrence aims to
prevent crime through the threat of punishment, such as capital punishment, intended to instill
fear of severe consequences. Special deterrence holds that penalties for criminal acts should be
su ciently severe that convicted criminals will never repeat their acts, like boot camp for rst-time
o enders. While empirical evidence on the e ectiveness of deterrence is debated, some experts
argue that increasing the perceived costs of crime without a corresponding increase in bene ts
could reduce criminal activity.

The connection between psychological traits and criminal behavior is complex and debated.
Personality, which in uences behavior and decision-making, includes traits such as anxiety,
conduct disorders, and impulsivity, which are linked to criminality but also found in non-criminal
populations. A speci c personality type associated with crime is the sociopathic or
psychopathic personality (Antisocial Personality). Sociopaths, characterized by aggression, lack
of remorse, and inability to form lasting relationships, often show intelligence and a charming
exterior but lack emotional depth and are unresponsive to punishment. According to Harvey
Cleckley, psychopaths are antisocial, irresponsible, and fail to learn from their experiences. To be
useful in understanding criminality, sociopathic behavior must be linked to actual lawbreaking.
Sociopaths lack emotional responses such as shame or guilt after committing crimes.

The dependent personality type is marked by submissive behavior and reliance on others, often
stemming from a history of poor social interaction and overdependence on family members.
Individuals may feel resentment toward those they depend on but struggle to address the issues.
They also tend to have di culty managing their anger and frustration, leading to unpredictable
outbursts when under stress.

Learning theories explain criminal behavior by emphasizing that criminal activities and attitudes
are learned through social interactions with family, friends, and peers. Researchers argue that
youth gangs, for example, can train individuals in criminal values and skills. Sutherland's
di erential association theory posits that criminal behavior is learned from associations with




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