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Universiteit Leiden: Samenvatting Power Instruments
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Collegeaantekeningen voor het vak Power Instruments voor de minor Global Affairs aan de Universiteit Leiden.
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Samenvatting Power InstrumentsWeek I:
Kenneth Waltz, ‘Realist Thought and Neorealist Theory’, Journal of International
Affairs 44 (1990): pp. 21-37.
In neorealisme staat het internationale politieke systeem als onderzoeksobject centraal. Dit
systeem kent een structuur die actoren en de uitkomsten door hun handelen beïnvloeden. Deze
structuur komt af van de interactie tussen staten, die belemmert dat deze staten bepaalde acties
niet kunnen nemen, en hen naar andere staten toedrijft. Structuur komt door het ordende
principe, zijnde anarchie, en daarna de verdeling van mogelijkheden tussen actoren.
Kritiek: deze structuur is te beperkt geformuleerd en laat dus dingen achterwege (bijv.
ideologie of organisatie van een natiestaat), en vangt daarmee niet alle karakteristieken van
het internationale politieke systeem. De theorie legt dus voornamelijk nadruk op het concept
‘macht’.
Neorealisme verschilt van realisme op de volgende manieren, naast dat het een ‘theoretical
realm’ schept waarmee er onderscheid kan worden gemaakt tussen onderzoekssystemen:
o Neorealisme produceert een verschuiving in causale relaties. Realisme gebruikt het
perspectief van één van de staten die interacteert met andere staten, terwijl er bij
neorealisme wordt gekeken naar de structuur: de middelen en doelen, alsook de
oorzaken en gevolgen lopen tussen staten door, i.p.v. in één richting. Hiermee biedt
het wél een verklaring voor gebeurtenissen die niet worden geïnitieerd door staten,
maar toch gebeuren.
o Het biedt een andere interpretatie van macht. Realisme ziet dit als doel: het
verkrijgen van meer macht, terwijl neorealisme het ziet als middel. Hiermee biedt het
een verklaring voor gedragingen die passen bij staten die niet actief bezig zijn met het
verwerven van meer macht.
o Het behandelt het niveau van onderzoekseenheden anders. Bij realisme is anarchie
een algemene conditie vs. een scheppende structuur zoals bij neorealisme. Deze
structuur heeft invloed op de uitkomsten van handelingen van een staat, naast diens
capaciteiten.
1
,Michael Doyle (1986) ‘Liberalism and World Politics’, American Political
Science Review 80: pp. 1151-1170.
It is claimed that democratic states are less prone to war, as “citizens who bear the burdens
of war elect their governments, wars become impossible.” The author tests this claim at the
hand of three distinct forms of liberalism.
Schumpeter’s liberal pacifism states that capitalism and democracy both have a positive
effect for peace. However, this claim is not backed up by empirical evidence, as liberal states
can still be warlike. The author makes three claims that can be discarded on the basis of
empirical evidence:
o ‘Materialistic monism’: Schumpeter leaves little room for noneconomic objectives to
shape policy, such as ideological justification.
o He also states that the ‘rationalised, individualised, and democratised’ individuals of
society only seek material welfare. This, par example, excludes behaviour like
enhancing one’s political power at the cost of mass welfare.
o ‘Homogenised world politics’: all states evolve toward free trade and liberty together.
Hereby, he excludes the possibility of a different evolutionary path, and he excludes
countries that are already differently constituted.
Liberal imperialism, formulated by Machiavelli, is a republic form of government that seeks
outward expansion to protect the freedom of its citizens (which already goes beyond the
assumption of materialistic monism). This freedom results from competition and necessity for
compromise between state organs, and a popular veto. It encourages increased population and
property, which strengthens the state’s abilities to wage war. However, Machiavelli’s
republics will among themselves not reach peace as each seeks outward expansion.
Liberal internationalism has the following two consequences:
i. It pacifies foreign relations among liberal states. This may lead to global peace, as it
offers the promise of a continuing peace among a growing number of liberal states.
However, it could also mean that liberal states have created a separate peace among
themselves.
ii. ‘International impurdence’: liberal states remain warlike, but only with non-liberal
states as peaceful restraint only occurs with other liberal states. Only some of these
wars were out of defensive considerations.
2
, Kant’s ‘perpetual peace’ requires the following three conditions (also called the ‘definitive
articles’):
i. The civil constitution of a state must be republican as to preserve juridical freedom: all
citizens as subject have legal equality.
ii. The progressive establishment of a pacific federation among liberal republics that
results in peace. This will maintain the rights of each state, and establish peace
amongst them.
iii. Establishment of a cosmopolitan law in conjunction with the pacific union.
Kant sees perpetual peace as an ethical means.
He states that asocial sociability inevitably leads towards republican governments (which are
a source of liberal peace) as men are drawn together to fulfil needs of security and material
welfare. Republic representation and separation of powers are durable state instruments, and
as of such, the state will not fail. Republics lead to peaceful relations as people will decide on
policy, and will not choose a policy that affects their welfare. This results in ‘republican
caution’. Additionally, international law provides mutual respect between states which will
lead to mutual beneficial cooperative behaviour. Lastly, cosmopolitan law leads to economic
growth (and thus more personal welfare) as result of enhanced trade between nations.
These combined sources of peace result in mutual nonaggression between liberal states.
However, in foreign relations to nonliberal states, insecurity still exists. Moreover, (the lack
of) constitutional restraint, international respect for individual rights, and shared commercial
interests are grounds for conflict between liberal and nonliberal states.
3
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