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UK Constitutional Law - Constitutional Conventions

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‘The reliance of the UK constitution on conventions is both a defining feature, and a fundamental weakness. While they are supposedly binding, conventions cannot effectively proscribe “unconstitutional” behaviour and their content and enforcement is often at the mercy of executive whim.’ ...

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  • October 9, 2022
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‘The reliance of the UK constitution on conventions is both a defining feature, and a fundamental

weakness. While they are supposedly binding, conventions cannot effectively proscribe

“unconstitutional” behaviour and their content and enforcement is often at the mercy of executive

whim.’



Discuss.



Constitutional conventions are non-legal rules of normative character which regulate the exercise of

power within a state and impose obligations on bound individuals. A breach of a convention can

result in the proscription of unconstitutional behaviour through political sanctions. This essay seeks

to argue contrary to the notion that the UK’s reliance on conventions is a fundamental weakness.

Proposing that regulatory conventions are vital for enhancing political accountability of elected

politicians1, but asserting that the legalisation of foundational conventions would strengthen

democratic legitimacy. This essay will review the strengths and weaknesses of the UK’s dependency

upon conventions, explore the extent to which they are binding and enforceable, and finally,

consider whether there is a whimsical implementation by the executive power.



The nature of the UK constitution provides a contextual understanding of conventions. Whilst Ridley

repudiates the idea that the UK has a constitution due to a lack of conformity to his four over-

prescriptive requirements2, there is a consensus it is uncodified. This is due to the lack of one single

document encompassing all the rules of the constitution. Nevertheless, King believes more plausibly

that “constitutions can never be written down in their entirety” due to the existence of conventions

and precedents in common law jurisdictions. However, this disagreement concerns not what a

constitution ought to do, but its nature; specifically, where the normativity is located. Whilst Ridley


1
R. B. Taylor, ‘Foundational and Regulatory Conventions: Exploring the Constitutional Significance of Britain's
Dependency upon Conventions’ (2015) PL 614-632
2
F. F. Ridley, ‘Defining Constitutional Law in Britain’ (1991) Anglo-American Law Review 20(2) 103-104

1

, believes in legal constitutionalism where the judiciary holds the government accountable, King,

Tomkins and Dicey are happy for political forces to ensure those in authority do not abuse their

power as it is considerably more democratically legitimate. Although no liberal democracy can be

purely endorsed by either form of constitutionalism, the UK finds itself to be predominantly political

and therefore capable of “changing from day to day” 3. The UK’s heavy reliance upon conventions is

merely evocative of its political nature4. Legalising conventions is precarious due to the risk of

politicising the judiciary caused by a radical increase of involvement of the courts in political disputes.



The existence of conventions depends on the active and conscious acceptance of those bound by the

rule5 due to the normative force required for a convention to have constitutional significance over

common practice. This normativity is what makes conventions morally binding on individuals and

institutions, resembling legal rules with the imposition of sanctions (if denoted as negative

consequences likely to derive from a dismissal of convention 6). Dicey suggests examples to be a fear

of public opinion and impeachment7 but principally believes serious dismissal of conventions to

ultimately lead to a breach of the law. In this sense, despite supposed legal unenforceability,

conventions are binding, albeit indirectly. Moreover, the binding force of conventions derives largely

from precedent8, as the “longer a convention is followed, the less likely it is to be breached” 9. For

instance, the Monarch’s prerogative powers, of those not devolved to ministers, have become ever

more inflexible due to democratic concerns meaning they are rarely breached and are thus,

essentially binding. For example, Royal Assent has remained unchallenged since 1708 with the

rejection of the Scottish Militia Bill by Queen Anne.




3
J. Griffith, ‘The Political Constitution’ (1979) 42 MLR 1, 19
4
R. B. Taylor, ‘Foundational and Regulatory Conventions: Exploring the Constitutional Significance of Britain's
Dependency upon Conventions’ (2015) PL 614-632
5
J. Waldron, ‘The Law’ (1990) Taylor & Francis 64
6
J. Jaconelli, ‘Do Constitutional Conventions Bind?’ (2005) The Cambridge Law Journal 64(1) 164
7
Dicey, ‘The Law of the Constitution’ (2013) OUP 440
8
A. McHarg, ‘Reforming the United Kingdom Constitution: Law, Convention, Soft Law’ (2008) 71 MLA w 853
9
J. Jaconelli, ‘Do Constitutional Conventions Bind?’ (2005) The Cambridge Law Journal 64(1) 162

2

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