How does the British media sensationalise moral panics, in the context of ‘White’ female offenders?
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Cours
Sociology (SOCG3002)
Établissement
University Of Worcester
How does the British media sensationalise moral panics, in the context of ‘White’ female offenders?
A detailed dissertation essay, including methodology, findings and analysis. Along with counter arguments and a literature review for evidence and context.
How does the British media sensationalise moral panics, in the context of ‘White’
female offenders?
Francesca Leone Goth
Dissertation submitted as part requirement for the B.A. (Hons) degree in Sociology at
the University of Worcester
April 2021
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SOCG3002
,This dissertation will explore how the British press construct particular stereotypes of ‘White’ female offenders.
Sociologically this is relevant because literature suggests that women are more likely to be portrayed as folk
devils when associated with deviant behaviour, particularly when violence is involved. The research was
undertaken using the methodology content analysis of British tabloid newspapers, in order to find common or
underlying themes. The study of the representation of ‘White’ female offenders is important because
newspapers tend to confine female offender’s through identities of gender stereotypes, rather than deeper
issues surrounding poverty and mental illness. Thus, the media often misrepresents female crime in society.
For example, Johnstone et al (2004) found that newspapers are more likely to cover highly newsworthy crimes
like murder than more typical crimes like robbery, in order to sell more newspapers (Johnstone et al, 2004).
Therefore, the study focuses on how these stereotypes are constructed and reproduced to the public.
Literature Review
Much of the existing literature on the media’s representation of ‘White’ female offenders shows the relevance
of gender stereotyping and gender role expectations (Brennan and Vandenberg, 2009). Stereotyping operates
similarly to a mental shortcut that ‘allow individuals to quickly retrieve information from memory without
expending much cognitive effort’ (Brennan and Vandenberg, 2009, p. 144). In addition, Healey (1997) argued
that we categorise others ‘based upon a quick appraisal of their most obvious characteristics’ (Healey, 1997, p.
29). Therefore, an individuals ‘biological sex is highly invisible’ (Healey, 1997, p. 135) and ‘it is among the first
things that individuals notice about one another’ (Brennan, 2002, p. 7). Because of this, it is necessary to
consider that biological sex governs gender role expectations (Brennan and Vandenberg, 2009). Gender role
expectations are ‘behavioural norms… derived from stereotypes’ (Willemsen and Van Schie, 1989, p. 624)
about how men and women should conduct themselves according to set characteristics (Brennan, 2002). Once
these characteristics are ‘once learned, they are formalised, legitimated, and perpetuated by values and beliefs
embodied in societal institutional and social structures’ (Brennan, 2002, p. 10). Many of these labels derive
from the ‘appropriate’ performance of women in society (Brennan and Vandenberg, 2009). Based on these
stereotypes ‘good’ mothers are often considered ‘emotional’, ‘nurturing’ and ‘compassionate’; ‘good’ wives are
considered ‘passive’, ‘chaste’ and ‘dependant on their husbands’ (Brennan and Vandenberg, 2009, p. 144).
Although this is more of a traditional perspective, it can be argued that these are still expectations of women in
contemporary society. This is evident in both modern literature and the representation of female offenders in
the media who deviate from their expected gender roles. Thus, women who fail to adhere to gender role
expectations are considered ‘abnormal’ and tend to be viewed more negatively (Brennan, 2002, p. 11).
The media is a globalised institution that has much influence in constructing public attitudes and views towards
topics including the criminal justice system and criminal offenders (Davies et al, 2007). According to Surett
(1998), people’s actions are based on how they perceive the world which has been shaped by the media
(Surett, 1998). This connection between people and the media is a means of social construction (Clarke, 2006).
Social constructionism can be defined as the accumulation of knowledge and experiences of individuals
acquired from their interaction with society (Segre, 2016). Therefore, the media acts as an agent of
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, socialisation which reinforces cultural beliefs and values. In retrospective, it can be argued that the theory of
social construction is an explanation for the relationship between the media and the perceptions society has
towards female offenders (Hall, 1997; Pollak and Kubrin, 2007). For example, the media often over-represent
and use hyperbolic language to create a sense of moral panic (Reiner, 2006). Reiner (2006) adds that the media
misrepresent and show an inaccurate reflection of crime in society (Reiner, 2006).
In affiliation with gender and crime, Mackey (2007) claims that the media acts as an agency of gender and
sexual socialisation, whereby the media tends to reflect stereotypical views about women and the crimes they
commit (Mackay, 2007). Despite this, most crime is committed by men, figures show the crime rate in the UK
as, ‘89% male compared with 11% female’ (Office for National Statistics, 2017). Although women account for
approximately ‘half of violent crime victim’ figures, female offenders tend to receive more coverage in the
media (Office for National Statistics, 2017). For example, ‘one-third of violent crime stories in newspapers were
about female offenders’ (Marsh and Melville, 2009, p. 84). Similarly, Naylor (2001) found that ‘21% of British
newspaper articles about violent crime involved female offenders’ (Naylor, 2002, p. 182). However, statistics
show that only ‘14.5% of females were convicted for violent offences’ (Naylor, 2001; Office for National
Statistics, 2013). This suggests that the over-representation of female crimes, particularly when violence is
involved proved more newsworthy. Stories about female crime were often selected as they are considered
more prodigious because they deviate from expected gender norms (Weatherby et al, 2008). In parallel,
Chermak (1995) claims that offenders who society perceive as more likely to commit crimes are less capturing
to the imagination (Chermak, 1995).
There are many types of media, such as radio and television, but newspapers are recognised as one of the
central ways of communicating social issues, particularly about crime (Lotz, 1991). According to Markovitz
(2006), newspapers are more effective because they present stories in a documentary style which connotes
objectivity and importance (Markovitz, 2006). Furthermore, Gamson et al (1992) argues that newspapers
contain meta-messages that suggest stereotypes to the reader through ideologies that are hidden within the
text (Gamson et al, 1992). As a result, newspapers can shape public opinion and heighten fear of crime. A
qualitative study by O’Connell (1999) analysed the media and how it presents crime to the public to shape their
perceptions (O’Connell, 1999). In total four newspapers were selected over two months. The findings showed a
strong correlation between the ‘reporting of crime and the public fear of crime’ (O’Connell, 1999, p. 198). The
study also found that newspapers tend to report a crime to make it seem more apparent than reality
(O’Connell, 1999).
Crime is arguably a social construction and according to Cohen and Young (1981), the news is ‘manufactured’
(Cohen and Young, 1981, p. 25). This is done through five values which include, ‘immediacy’, ‘dramatisation’,
‘higher status individuals’, ‘violence’ and ‘risk’ (Cohen and Young, 1981, p. 26). Female offenders are more
likely to fall into all or some categories and would be therefore deemed more newsworthy. Also, the media
may portray the female offender as a ‘folk devil’ (Cohen, 1972, p. 224). Goode and Ben-Yehuda (1994)
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