Interculturele Aspecten Van Opvoeding, Onderwijs En Hulpverlening
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Interculturele Aspecten Van Opvoeding, Onderwijs En Hulpverlening
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Universiteit Leiden (UL)
Belangrijkste punten van de artikelen die horen bij de stof die wordt behandeld in de colleges van ICA, een vak dat wordt gegeven in jaar 1 van de studie Pedagogische Wetenschappen.
Interculturele Aspecten Van Opvoeding, Onderwijs En Hulpverlening
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Artikelen Interculturele Aspecten
Artikel Giroux
- Paulo Freire is one of the most important critical educators of the twentieth century.[1] Not
only is he considered one of the founders of critical pedagogy, but he also played a crucial role
in developing a highly successful literacy campaign in Brazil before the onslaught of the junta
in 1964.
- His book Pedagogy of the Oppressed is considered one of the classic texts of critical
pedagogy and has sold over a million copies, influencing generations of teachers and
intellectuals both in the United States and abroad.
- Most colleges are now dominated by conservative ideologies, hooked on methods, slavishly
wedded to instrumentalized accountability measures, and run by administrators who lack
either a broader vision or critical understanding of education as a force for strengthening the
imagination and expanding democratic public life.
- Universities are now largely defined through the corporate demand that they provide the skills,
knowledge, and credentials to build a workforce that will enable the United States to compete
and maintain its role as the major global economic and military power. Consequently, there is
little interest in understanding the pedagogical foundation of higher education as a deeply
civic, political, and moral practice – that is, pedagogy as a practice for freedom.
- Teaching to the test and the corporatization of education become a way of ‘taming’ students
and invoking modes of corporate governance in which public school teachers become
deskilled and an increasing number of higher education faculty are reduced to part-time
positions, constituting the new subaltern class of academic labor.
- Too many classrooms at all levels of schooling now resemble a ‘dead zone’ where any vestige
of critical thinking, self-reflection, and imagination quickly migrates to sites outside of the
school only to be mediated and corrupted by a corporate-driven media culture.
- Against this regime of ‘scientific’ idiocy and ‘bare pedagogy’ stripped of all critical elements
of teaching and learning, Freire believed that all education in the broadest sense was part of a
project of freedom, and eminently political because it offered students the conditions for self-
reflection, a self-managed life, and particular notions of critical agency. Thus, for Freire
literacy was not a means to prepare students for the world of subordinated labor or ‘careers’,
but a preparation for a self-managed life. And self-management could only occur when people
have fulfilled three goals of education: self-reflection, that is, realizing the famous poetic
phrase, ‘know thyself’, which is an understanding of the world in which they live, in its
economic, political and, equally important, its psychological dimensions.
- For Freire, pedagogy is not a method or an a priori technique to be imposed on all students but
a political and moral practice that provides the knowledge, skills, and social relations that
enable students to explore the possibilities of what it means to be critical citizens while
expanding and deepening their participation in the promise of a substantive democracy.
- Critical pedagogy attempts to understand how power works through the production,
distribution, and consumption of knowledge within particular institutional contexts and seeks
to constitute students as informed subjects and social agents.
- Critical pedagogy opens up a space where students should be able to come to terms with their
own power as critically engaged citizens; it provides a sphere where the unconditional
freedom to question and assert is central to the purpose of public schooling and higher
education, if not democracy itself.
- According to Freire, all forms of pedagogy represent a particular way of understanding society
and a specific commitment to the future. Critical pedagogy insists that one of the fundamental
tasks of educators is to make sure that the future points the way to a more socially just world,
a world in which the discourses of critique and possibility in conjunction with the values of
reason, freedom, and equality function to alter, as part of a broader democratic project, the
grounds upon which life is lived.
,- Critical pedagogy is concerned with offering students new ways to think critically and act with
authority as independent political agents in the classroom and in larger society.
- Education cannot be neutral.
- Pedagogy is by definition directive, but that does not mean it is merely a form of
indoctrination.
- Critical pedagogy forges an expanded notion of politics and agency through a language of
skepticism and possibility, and a culture of openness, debate, and engagement – all those
elements now at risk because of the current and most dangerous attacks on higher education.
- In many ways, Paulo embodied the important but often problematic relationship between the
personal and the political.
- Hope for Freire was a practice of witnessing, an act of moral imagination that enabled
progressive educators and others to think otherwise in order to act otherwise. For Freire, hope
as a defining element of politics and pedagogy always meant listening to and working with the
poor and other subordinate groups so that they might speak and act in order to alter dominant
relations of power.
- For Freire pedagogy was a political and performative act organized around the ‘instructive
ambivalence of disrupted borders’ (cited in Bhabha, 1994, p. 28), a practice of bafflement,
interruption, understanding, and intervention that is the result of ongoing historical, social, and
economic struggles.
- Any pedagogy that called itself Freirean had to acknowledge the centrality of the particular
and contingent in shaping historical contexts and political projects.
- But Freire’s insistence that education was about the making and changing of contexts did
more than seize upon the political and pedagogic potentialities to be found across a spectrum
of social sites and practices in society, which, of course, included but were not limited to the
school. He also challenged the separation of culture from politics by calling attention to how
diverse technologies of power work pedagogically within institutions to produce, regulate, and
legitimate particular forms of knowing, belonging, feeling, and desiring.
- Freire’s work was consistently fuelled by a healthy moral rage over the needless oppression
and suffering he witnessed throughout his life as he travelled all over the globe.
- Freire’s genius was to elaborate a theory of social change and engagement that was neither
vanguardist nor populist.
- Freire never lost sight of Robert Hass’s claim that the job of education, its political job ‘is to
refresh the idea of justice going dead in us all the time’.
, Artikel Gorski **!
- In this essay I describe a philosophy of decolonizing intercultural education – an intercultural
education dedicated, first and foremost, to dismantling dominant hegemony, hierarchies, and
concentrations of power and control. I argue that attaining such an intercultural education
requires not only subtle shifts in practice and personal relationships, but also important shifts
of consciousness that prepare us to see and react to the socio-political contexts that so heavily
influence education theory and practice.
- As I look back, 26 years later, through my educator and activist lenses, what I find most
revealing – and disturbing – about Taco Night and my other early experiences with
intercultural education is intent. Or, more precisely, lack of intent.
- Despite overwhelmingly good intentions, most of what passes for intercultural education
practice, particularly in the US, accentuates rather than undermines existing social and
political hierarchies. This is why the framework we construct for examining and encouraging
intercultural education reveals, among other things, the extent and limits of our commitments
to a genuinely intercultural world.
- Because the most destructive thing we can do is to disenfranchise people in the name of
intercultural education.
- Within the US, where federal education policy is firmly under the thumbs of corporate elites
in the form of the Business Roundtable, the public education system itself (along with
increasingly conglomerated corporate media) is becoming, more and more explicitly, a vehicle
for socializing citizens into compliance and complicity.
- As corporations and their lobbyists garner greater control over all manner of policy and
legislation, they gain more access to the systems, such as education, that facilitate access to
knowledge and popular perception.
- As a result, these media, like the education system, have become tools for socializing a
compliant and complicit populace into a market hegemony that normalizes consumer culture.
**
- One of the key neo-liberal strategies for socializing the masses into complicity with corporate
interests is the propagation of deficit theory – an approach for justifying inequality that is
enjoying resurgence in the Western world today.
- Deficit theory holds that inequality is the result, not of systemic inequities in access to power,
but intellectual and ethical deficiencies in particular groups of people. Deficit theory has been
used throughout history to justify imperial pursuits. But it is used, as well, to justify the
dissolution of human rights and the quickening transfer of power from the people to
corporations.
- In the US, economically disadvantaged people, from the homeless to undocumented
immigrants, have become particularly vulnerable targets for deficit theorist.
- Most of what people refer to as intercultural or multicultural education – including
scholarship, teacher preparation courses, or educational programs – fails to take this sort of
context into account. As a result, we expend much energy fighting symptoms of oppressive
conditions (such as interpersonal conflicts) instead of the conditions themselves; and this is
exactly what we are socialized to do.
- **
- Conclusion: The practice of intercultural education, when not committed first and foremost to
equity and social justice – to the acknowledgement of these realities and the disruption of
domination – might, in the best case, result in heightened cross-group awareness at an
individual level. But in many cases, such practice is domination. And in any case, ignoring
systemic oppression means complying with it.
- ‘’Interculturality in education is a space for dialogue which recognises and values the wealth
of cultural, ethnic and linguistic diversity in the country, promotes the affirmation and
development of different cultures which co-exist in Peru and constitutes an open process
towards cultural exchange with the global society.’’ **
- These views synthesize the goals most often identified in definitions of intercultural
education: the facilitation of intercultural dialogue, an appreciation for diversity, and cultural
exchange. But they also demonstrate why intercultural education quickly became a target of
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