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Summary AQA A-Level 2L: Mussolini and the establishment of Fascist Italy, (A* achieved) €8,84
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Summary AQA A-Level 2L: Mussolini and the establishment of Fascist Italy, (A* achieved)

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A comprehensive set of notes for the AQA A-Level 2L Italy and Fascism, c1900–1945 course. Covers Mussolini and the establishment of Fascist Italy, . Includes: Mussolini's appointment as prime minister, the Fascist movement and consolidation of power.

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Document informatie

  • 26 mei 2024
  • 6
  • 2021/2022
  • Samenvatting

Onderwerpen

  • fascist italy
  • mussolini
  • consolidation of power
  • fascist state
  • aqa a level
  • 2l
  • italy and fascism revision notes

Geschreven voor

  • A/AS Level
  • AQA
  • History
  • Depth Study (2L)
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Voorbeeld van de inhoud

Mussolini and the establishment of Fascist
Italy, 1922-1926
Long-term factors in Mussolini’s appointment
Legacy of WW1
 Many felt they had been dealt a ‘mutilated victory’ as Italy did not receive all the territories promised
under the 1915 Treaty of London, Considering the large sacrifices which had been made (600,000
dead; 1 million wounded; 85 billion debt), this created a great deal of resentment, to the extent that
some acted to rectify this betrayal. In 1919, d’Annunzio and 300 ex-soliders seized the Adriatic port
of Fiume (even though it hadn’t been promised under the Treaty). Such resentment led to a rise in the
support of Nationalism over Liberalism, which was blamed for accepting the ‘mutilated victory’.
 The War had significant economic consquences: there was a 25% decrease in real wages, while a
shrinking market caused inflation, forcing a large increase in prices. Unemployment also rose with 2
million returning soldiers. Again, this created anger and resentment towards the Liberal government,
which was blamed. People sought to support, stronger alternatives, such as Socialism and Fascism
which promised to develop the economy by increasing productivity.

The failure and fear of Socialism
 In the wake of WW1, there was a huge increase in support for Socialism. By 1919, the PSI had
200,000 members. It was the largest party in both the 1919 & 1921 elections, winning 156 and 123
seats respectively. The party also had municipal control, holding 26/69 provinces following the 1920
election.
 With such a large support basis, the Socialist movement had potential to succeed, however, a lack of
clear leadership, internal conflicts and a refusal to co-operate with the PPI in the 1921 election meant
it failed to do so.
 Although the threat of a Socialist takeover was an illusion, the support and language of revolution in
the Chamber of Deputies, during the ‘Bienno Rosso’ (1919-1920), created unwarranted fear amongst
the elite and Petty Bourgeoise, who feared that a Socialist coup, as had happed in 1917 in Russia,
would affect their positions and wealth. Consequently, this period saw a rise in support for Fascism,
which proved it could face up to the Socialist threat, with the emergence of ‘squadrismo’, a movement
of Fascist militias which burnt down Socialist buildings, beat up and killed trade unionists.

Liberal weakness
 ‘Transformismo’ meant the government did not represent the general population and therefore the
Liberals had a limited support basis. This method of governance also created factionalism and thus
inevitably instability – there were 5 governments between 1919-22 – which made is difficult for the
Liberals to establish a strong government with a large support basis.
 The Liberals allowed challenges to power with the passing of ‘Universal Manhood Suffrage’ in 1918
(allowing all men to vote) and ‘Proportional Representation’ in 1919 (allowing more parties to enter
Parliament). These changes facilitated the rise of extreme parties, including the PSI and PNF.
 The Liberals responded weakly to internal challenges. For example, the government did nothing to
stop the 1919 occupation of Fiume immediately and it took a year to regain control, demonstrating
that force could be used to achieve political aims under the Liberals.
 Furthermore, the Liberals’ weak response in the face of the Socialist threat angered the elite and Petty
Bourgeoise. For example, the government legalised land occupations and cut food prices by up to
70%, in response to the 1919 food riots, seriously impacting shopkeeper’s profits.

,  Giolitti, wanted Fascism as another political force which could be absorbed into the Liberal system,
sponsored the Fascists in the 1921 election, granting Mussolini with a foothold into Parliament.
 There were no ‘tough minded’ (Clark) Liberals who could stand up to Mussolini: Facta resigned
following the March on Rome; Salandra had little support in Parliament and was not noticeably anti-
Fascist; Giolitti had allowed the Fascists into Parliament and had alienated the PPI.

Appeal of Fascism
 Fascism appeared new and glamourous. It stressed action and commitment to a strong government; a
stark contrast to the weak and divided Liberals and the radical Socialists. Although this did not
necessarily appeal to the masses, it appealed to the political elite, who were responsible for the
appointment of Mussolini.
 A vague manifesto and flexible ideology gave Fascism a broad support basis.
 Mussolini won the support of the Catholic Church, despite being an atheist. He promised to heal the
division between the Church and the State. The Church viewed Fascism as force against the potential
expropriation of the Socialists, then the Liberals. In 1922, Pope Pius XI withdrew his sponsorship of
the PPI and declared his support for Fascism, encouraging all Catholics to do the same.
 Fascist volunteers kept the country running during the 1922 general strike, called by the Alliance of
Labour, boosting popularity amongst the elite.

Short-term factors in Mussolini’s appointment
Mussolini’s political tactics
 Many Fascist supporters wanted a revolution, however, Mussolini wished to be appointed legally.
Adapting to the situation, he took a pragmatic approach and adopted a ‘dual policy’. To radicals, he
posed as a revolutionary and to the liberal elite as a respectable statesman. This maximised his appeal,
even gaining the support of Giolitti, to whom Mussolini appeared as more of an opportunist than
extremist. Subsequently, the Fascists and Giolittian Liberals co-operated in the 1921 election and the
PNF secured 7% of the vote and 35 seats and Mussolini became a deputy.
 Mussolini united all the different Squadristi within the PNF, giving him a supporting party, which
would enable his to become PM.
 To appease the radicals and place pressure on the Italian government, Mussolini organised the ‘March
on Rome’, although he remained confident that he could achieve power without a coup. He used the
March as a piece of political blackmail and as Taylor explained ‘he waited for the nerves of others to
crack’.
 On October 27th, 30,000 Fascists converged on Rome, with the intention of seizing control.
 They were met with mixed success, seizing control of many provincial areas but failing in
Milan and Bologna.
 The threat was certainly overexaggerated: many squads failed to reach their assembly points
as trains were stopped and those who did show up were poorly armed and trained.
 Mussolini refused to compromise – he would not take up Salandra’s offer to be part of the new
government.

Role of Victor Emmanuel III
 Directly responsible for the appointment of Mussolini. Although, knowing that the Fascist coup was
deemed to fail, Emmanuel withdrew his enactment of marital law (under which 12,000 troops were
deployed), which he had agreed to several hours earlier.
 It is not known why exactly: however, he was introverted and tried to avoid political involvement,
making his susceptible to the influence of those around him, such as that of his Fascist-supporting
mother.
 In his memoirs, Emmanuel attributed his fear of a civil war to the appointment of Mussolini.
 Consequently, Facta resigned as PM and replaced by ex-PM Salandra. Salandra offered Mussolini a
place in the next government but he refused.

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