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A Short History of the Middle Ages - Summary 5th edition

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  • Introduction to the History of the Middle Ages (GE1V16004)
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  • Universiteit Utrecht (UU)
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  • A Short History of the Middle Ages, Fifth Edition

This is a complete summary of all the chapters of Barbara H. Rosenwein's A Short History of the Middle Ages Fifth Edition. It also includes the main arguments and takeaways of each chapter. This does not replace the book; it only acts as a summary.

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  • January 22, 2023
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Table of Contents
Chapter 1...........................................................................................................................................2
Chapter 2...........................................................................................................................................7
Chapter 3.........................................................................................................................................13
Chapter 4.........................................................................................................................................17
Chapter 5.........................................................................................................................................22
Chapter 6.........................................................................................................................................28
Chapter 7.........................................................................................................................................34
Chapter 8.........................................................................................................................................42




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,Book Summary
Chapter 1
In the third century, the Roman Empire was a vast territory that encompassed the Mediterranean
Sea and parts of present-day Spain, England, Wales, France, Belgium, Greece, Turkey, Syria,
Lebanon, Israel, and Egypt. This was the Roman Empire whose “decline and fall” was famously
proclaimed by the eighteenth-century historian Edward Gibbon. Many historians today still think
that judgment to be correct: consider the title of Bryan Ward-Perkins’ book The Fall of Rome: And
the End of Civilization. But many other historians follow Peter Brown in stressing the vitality of what
he called “Late Antiquity.”

The empire faced a crisis in the third century as it had to fight off attacks from barbarians from the
north and the Persians from the east. To deal with this, the Roman government implemented wide-
ranging reforms and expanded the army, drawing recruits from further away and settling barbarian
groups within the empire in return for military service. These new recruits were mainly settled along
the borders to serve as a first line of defence.

The government also set up new crack mobile troops while reinforcing the standing army. Soldier-
workers set up new fortifications, cities ringed themselves with walls, and farms gained lookout
towers and fences. It was not easy to find enough recruits to man this newly expanded defensive
system. Before the crisis, the Roman legions had been largely self-perpetuating. The legionaries,
drawn mainly from local provincial families, had settled permanently along the borders and raised
the sons who would make up the next generation of recruits. Now, however, this supply was
dwindling: the birth-rate was declining, and c.252–267 an epidemic of smallpox ravaged the
population further.

The term “crisis of the third century” refers not only to the wars that the Empire had to fight on its
borders, but also to a political succession crisis that saw more than twenty men claim, then lose with
their lives, the throne. This led to the division of the Roman Empire into four parts, each ruled by a
different man under Emperor Diocletian (r.284–305) known as the Tetrarchy. This partition was a
tacit recognition of the importance of the provinces. But even the provinces eventually lost their
centrality, as people still farther afield (whom the Romans called “barbarians”) moved into the
Roman Empire c.400–500. The barbarians, in turn, were glad to be the heirs of the Romans even as
they contributed to the Empire’s transformation.

In the empire of Constantine, a new religion, Christianity, emerged and marked the end of the
classical era and the beginning of Late Antiquity. Christianity originated in Palestine, where a group
of Jews coalesced around Jesus and under the impetus of the Jew-turned-Christian Paul, a new and
radical brand of monotheism in Jesus’ name was actively preached to Gentiles (non-Jews), not only
in Palestine, but also beyond. Its core belief was that men and women were saved—redeemed and
accorded eternal life in heaven—by their faith in Jesus Christ. At first, Christianity was of nearly
perfect indifference to elite Romans, who were devoted to the gods who had served them so well
over years of conquest and prosperity. However, Christianity attracted middle-class Romans and
provincials who never been given the chance to feel truly Roman and found comfort in small
assemblies—churches—where they were welcomed as equals and where God was the same, no
matter what region the members of the church hailed from.

Christianity also had its attractions for city-dwellers of the middle class who could never hope to
become part of the educated upper crust. Christianity gave them dignity by substituting “the elect”
for the elite. Education, long and expensive, was the ticket into Roman high society. Christians had


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,their own solid, less expensive knowledge. It was the key to an even “higher” society—the one in
Heaven.

In the provinces, Christianity attracted men and women who had never been given the chance to
feel truly Roman. The new religion was confident, hopeful, and universal. As the Empire settled into
an era of peaceful complacency in the second century, its hinterlands opened up to the influence of
the centre, and vice versa. Men and women whose horizons in earlier times would have stretched
no farther than their village now took to the roads as traders—or confronted a new
cosmopolitanism right at their doorsteps. Uprooted from old traditions, they found comfort in small
assemblies—churches—where they were welcomed as equals and where God was the same, no
matter what region the members of the church hailed from.

The Romans persecuted Christians, but at first only locally, sporadically, and above all in times of
crisis. At such moments, the Romans feared that the gods were venting their wrath on the Empire
because Christians would not carry out the proper sacrifices. True, the Jews also refused to honour
the Roman gods, but the Romans could usually tolerate—just barely—Jewish practices as part of
their particular cultural identity. Christians, however, claimed their God not only for themselves but
for all. Major official government persecutions of Christians began in the 250s, with the third-century
crisis.

By 304, on the eve of the promulgation of Diocletian’s last great persecutory edict, perhaps only 10
per cent of the population were Christians. However, Constantine's conversion to Christianity in 312
AD marked a turning point for the religion, and it became the dominant religion of the empire by the
end of the 4th century. Christianity transformed the culture and religion of the Roman Empire,
marking the end of the classical era and the beginning of Late Antiquity.

Moreover, the chapter describes the sources of God's grace in Christianity, focusing on the central
role of the Mass and the importance of the saints in the early Christian Church. The Mass is
presented as the central liturgy of the earthly church, in which the bread and wine on the altar
become the body and blood of Christ, the "Eucharist". Through the Mass, the faithful are joined to
one another, to the souls of the dead, and to Christ himself. The architecture and decoration of
Christian churches also emphasizes the importance of the Mass, which also associated imperial
power with the Eucharist.

Furthermore, the text highlights the importance of the saints in Christianity. In the early church, the
saints were mainly the martyrs, who died for their faith. However, with the end of Christian
martyrdom under Constantine, new saints of the fourth and fifth centuries had to find ways to be
martyrs even while alive, such as Saint Symeon Stylites, who climbed tall pillars and stood there for
decades, or Saint Antony, who entered tombs to fight demons. They were considered as the
"athletes of Christ," greatly admired by the surrounding community. These holy men and women
offered compelling role models, and by purging themselves of sin through ascetic rigors such as
fasting, praying, not sleeping, and not engaging in sex, they were believed to be infused with God's
grace. They were also believed to intercede with God on behalf of their neighbours and act as social
peacekeepers.

It continues to discuss the sources of God's grace in the Christian church. It emphasizes the
importance of the Mass, the central liturgy of the church, in which the bread and wine on the altar
become the body and blood of Christ, and the faithful are joined to one another, to the souls of the
dead, and to Christ himself. The architecture and decoration of Christian churches also reflect the
importance of the Mass. It also mentions the role of saints as powerful sources of God's grace. They


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, were considered beloved by God, models of virtue, and powerful wonderworkers. The saints,
particularly in the fourth and fifth centuries, were those who found ways to be martyrs even while
alive through asceticism, such as giving up possessions, fasting, praying, and remaining celibate.
They were greatly admired by the community and were seen as intercessors with God, and social
peacekeepers.

Furthermore, it discusses the development of art in the Roman Empire, specifically the influence of
provincial artistic traditions on the centre. It notes that classical Roman art, exemplified by paintings
found in ancient villas, was characterized by a sense of atmosphere, movement, and a focus on
figures who interact with one another without paying attention to the viewer. The text also
describes how Roman artists depicted natural landscapes, busy everyday life, and movement and
three-dimensionality in their sculptures. Additionally, it mentions how some artworks were created
to illustrate stories and myths known to the Romans, and how some artworks were commissioned
by powerful individuals such as Agrippa.

The chapter then discusses the impact of "barbarians" on the Roman Empire. The term "barbarians"
was used by Romans to refer to non-Romans, particularly those beyond the Rhine who they called
"Germani." These groups were not nomadic, but rather accustomed to a settled existence.
Archaeologists have found evidence of their hamlets in northern Europe, like the settlement near
Wijster, which existed for centuries before any Germanic groups entered the empire. The people of
Wijster were farmers and craftsmen, but the community was not egalitarian. Wealthy individuals
had access to Roman products, likely through trade. The Germanic traders and Roman provincials
had numerous ethnic differences, but these ethnicities were often in flux as tribes came together
and broke apart. The Goths, for example, underwent "ethnogenesis" and were not one people but
many, with different origins and characteristics throughout their history.

The fall of the Roman Empire in the West and the rise of barbarian kingdoms marked a significant
shift in the social and political landscape of the time. The new order of the sixth century was
characterized by the decline of cities and the rise of the countryside, the increased dominance of the
rich, and the domestication of Christianity. In the East, the Roman Empire continued, making an
unsuccessful attempt to expand, before finally becoming an autonomous entity known as the
Byzantine Empire.

The process of barbarian settlement in the West was relatively smooth, with little resistance from
Roman elites. Historians attribute this to a number of factors. Walter Goffart argues that taxes on
Roman products were shared between barbarian kings and their soldiers, with the allotments for the
soldiers granted to their heirs as well. This ensured that traditional Roman property arrangements
were not disrupted. Other historians, such as Matthew Innes, argue that barbarians were settled as
“guests” directly on land owned by Roman property owners. In this scenario, barbarian kings, with
the help of Roman advisors, were able to prevent outright conflict and pave the way for eventual
assimilation.

One of the major barriers to assimilation between Romans and barbarians was their divergent
religious beliefs. Many barbarian groups, such as the Goths, had adopted the Arian version of
Christianity, while the Romans followed the Catholic version. King Clovis of the Franks was one of
the first Germanic kings to convert to Catholic Christianity, a move that was welcomed by Bishop
Avitus of Vienne.

The new barbarian rulers also adopted Roman institutions and issued laws that drew on Roman
imperial precedents, Roman provincial law codes, and possibly even tribal customary law. The


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