‘The Jacobins had established total dominance in France by October 1793.’ How far do you agree?
On October 31st 1793, the 21 Girondin deputies who were purged from the National Convention
during June of that year were executed, allowing the Jacobins to seize and establish total dominance
in Paris. However, this purge was only accomplished through the violent use of the sans-culottes,
meaning the dominance they held was reliant on violence and, therefore, very fragile. For this
reason, it can be argued that the Jacobins were only dominant in Paris, where the sans-culottes'
influence was most effective as they played a significant role in the purge of the Girondins and the
passing of numerous laws like the General Maximum, which were passed as a result of the
discontentment faced towards the war. Whilst discontentment and unrest were seen in Paris, other
parts of France witnessed revolts and uprisings in response to Jacobin leadership, the aftermaths of
which were very telling of the Jacobins’ reliance on violence in order to maintain their dominance.
As well as this, the War of the First Coalition, where France was at war with many great European
powers including Britain, Austria, and Prussia, was also revealing of the extent of the external threats
France were facing; as seen from the Girondins’ tarnished reputation due to the failures of the war,
Jacobin dominance was dependent on success in the war, thus showing the fragile dominance they
precariously held. Consequently, it can be argued that, whilst the Jacobins had established total
dominance by October 1793, it was feeble and at risk of collapsing.
Through the use of the sans-culottes and the purge of the Girondins, it can be argued that the
Jacobins were able to establish dominance in Paris. Unlike the Girondins, the Jacobins had supported
the sans-culottes' demands for reforms aimed to alleviate their economic distress, which ensured
their rise to dominance. Due to the demands of feeding the army and funding the war effort, the
value of assignats had dropped by half and supplies of bread became scarce- the already poor
economic situation of Paris had not improved and did little to ease the unrest in Paris, heightening
the discontent faced by the people. This was further encouraged by radical journalists like Marat,
who encouraged the sans-culottes to riot. Whilst the Jacobins did not condemn the sans-culottes'
actions, the Girondins attacked them and failed to engage with popular feelings in Paris. Despite
Robespierre’s aversion to violence, by siding with sans-culottes, and by extension the feelings of the
people, the Girondins appeared as highly untrustworthy, allowing the Jacobins to dominate the
National Convention. The support the sans-culottes had from the Jacobins, as well as the commune,
proved effective as, on the 4th May 1793, the General Maximum law for grain and bread was passed,
with the Girondins remaining firm in their advocation for free trade. Before the law was passed,
Brissot went as far as to condemn the actions of the sans-culottes' actions in his newspaper as
‘brigandage and anarchy,’ further showing the people how the Girondins were not to be trusted. On
the 26th May 1793, Robespierre, again, effectively used the sans-culottes by calling them to rise
against the Girondin deputies, leading to the journée of the 2 nd June. Around 20,000 Parisians and
radical National Guardsmen gathered outside of the Convention, demanding the expulsion of the 22
Girondin deputies, among other things like setting a maximum price for all essential goods. The
National Guard commander, François Hanriot, yelled expletives to the Convention, threatening to
blow them all up if the Girondin deputies were not handed over. After a standoff and debates that
lasted several hours, the Convention voted to expel the Girondins, providing a pathway for the
Jacobins to establish total dominance. Through Robespierre’s efficient use of the sans-culottes'
agitation to purge the Girondins and clear a pathway to power for the Jacobins, it is easy to argue
that the Jacobins had established total and substantial dominance; however, it must be noted that
this dominance was established by the Jacobins’ making use of the sans-culottes' violence, which
was not reliable and particularly absolute. By utilising violence to dominate the National Convention,
the dominance the Jacobins held was fragile and, therefore, was at risk of facing revolt by those
dissatisfied with the radical revolution the Jacobins were pursuing.
