CYBERCRIME & CYBERSECURITY – SOC3075
Identify some of the ways in which Computer Hacking has changed since the
Early 1990s.
Word count: 2,200/2,000
Despite the modern concept of ‘hacking’ indicating a modification of technology, the original term
was conceived back in the 1950s, when ‘hacking’ was generically understood as any clever prank.
Along with exploring the development of the hacking concept, this paper will be analysing the
methods and motives for illicit operation within cyberspace, the history of hacking and hackers
relative to the growth in technology and the change in social perceptions and legal responses
towards both the perpetrator and activity. It will also examine significant cases of hacking that
demonstrate the substantial development in tools, capacity and sophistication of cybercrime by
modern-day hackers.
Society’s global experience of hacking within cybercrime as an entity has remained limited until the
1980s, with only around 100 computers in global operation; contrasting against the highly advanced
skills and techniques associated with the contemporary operation of cybercrime and sophistication
of hackers. Despite, the term ‘hacking’ only being coined in the 1950s, technically, hacking precedes
the existence of the computer as there is evidence of its origins since before 1878. The early
perception and characterisation of the hacker or hacking did not hold any negative connotations,
perhaps owing to the public’s lack of technological understanding, its amateur capabilities, or that
most educational establishments and companies remained reluctant to provide computers due to
their laborious operation and expense; in part, these propelled the evolution within the “hacking”
sphere.
The development of personal computing devices and the US military networking system (ARPANET)
provided the ideal environment for mass interest from the public and programmers. It directly linked
the concept of hacking with technological means by seeking to modify and improve the performance
and ability of the computer using shortcuts, referred to as “hacks”. However, just as ‘hacking’ gained
more public interest, so did the rate of participation, opportunity for connections and therefore,
personal gain by exploiting those within the cyber system. Therefore, the relationship and means of
existence between “hacking” and cyberspace became reliant on an interdependent basis. Devitt
(2001) argues that “hackers” have played a necessary role in maintaining a technological curiosity,
responsible for numerous unprecedented discoveries and improvements which have enhanced the
pace of technological advancement. Controversially, Devitt suggests that hackers remain integral in
ensuring corporations maintain exceptional levels of security to avoid liability or consequential
repercussions for hacking incidents. Arguably, by exposing systematic flaws online, hackers drive the
necessity for legislative cyber improvements, thus causing the internet to be a safer place.
The early stages of the 1990s demonstrated the interdependent relationship between hacking and
early technological progress and therefore, meant an overall lower security threshold was
acceptable. Many scholars refer to this period as the ‘golden age’ of hacking, as it fostered few
ethical flaws and was perceived as relatively trivial and unsophisticated. Stallman (1996) places
hacking within a highly intellectual plane “The hacker ethic refers to the feelings of right and wrong,
that knowledge should be shared with others who can benefit from it, and that important resources
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should be utilized rather than wasted" in tune with the general belief that hackers were simply
obsessed with understanding and mastering cyber systems.
Nevertheless, in response to society becoming increasingly technologically driven, the cybersecurity
community introduced a new breed of hackers who served to prevent future incidents of hacking by
identifying and securing vulnerable hardware and software. Jordan and Taylor (1998) highlight the
debate of ethics between the private, skilled sector of ‘hackers’ and pre-existent hackers who
operated within the same cyberspace, but for arguably unethical means. This became the subject of
much controversy and marked the end of the tight-knit community of hackers, due to the
’professional’ hackers being largely conceived from former “unethical” hackers; it highlighted the
conflict between professionalism and criminalisation. Taylor (1999) claims in one respect, their
previous identity placed professional hackers at a huge disadvantage as society questioned their
integrity, however, it also earned them respect for providing an admirable transitioning model. The
launch of the World Wide Web in 1991, accommodated the global digitalisation of pre-existing
financial services and sensitive information. It offered users direct and convenient methods of
accessing personal data, simultaneously fuelling the incentive for hackers, who utilised this change in
audience and technological dynamics as an enhanced opportunity for exploitation.
The association of criminalisation and the ‘hacker’ became prominent as the 1990s progressed, as
did a period synonymous with a shift in motivations for hackers, from seeking to acquire social
acceptance, to one of purely economic gain. Cohen (1990) argues that the changing response of law
enforcement reflected a ‘moral panic’ to the growing interest that hacking was pioneering. Before
the ‘hacker crackdowns’, hackers were becoming somewhat icons by equally manipulating
individuals whilst also exposing faulty systems and cases of social injustice without fear of
repercussions, in part due to the sheer lack of legal framework surrounding cyberactivity.
However, as the 1990s progressed, society saw ‘the crash of the golden age’ due to a transition
within culture abruptly ending the golden age of hacker subculture. Nissenbaum (2004) notes how
public attention compelled recognition from law enforcement and the media, marking the premise
for the heavy stigmatisation of the cyberspace and hackers. The justice system began demonstrating
a newfound intolerant attitude towards cybercrime by commodifying and endorsing cybersecurity
controls to protect sensitive digital systems in either hard or digital form from hackers gaining
unauthorised access or damaging information as well as passing the first UK cyber-specific law. ‘The
Computer Misuse Act’ (1990) encompassed three basic cyber offences, each punishable by 12
months’ imprisonment or maximum fine, both designed to combat the public epidemic towards
cyber-enabled and cyber-dependent crime.
The role of high-profile politicians and the implementation of a legal infrastructure redefined online
ethical guidelines by actively demonising the hacker and stigmatising the cyberspace to reshape
public perceptions. Haffner and Markoff (1991) found hackers became marginalised and lost all
“recognition for their ideas, ideals and ideologies that comprise an alternative vision for a networked
society”. The legal response to the ‘hacker menace’ prompted an influx in civil libertarian concern
which highlighted the harsh authoritarian measures used against hackers, such as ‘The Operation
Sundevil’, a series of armed house raids. Thomas (2005) argues the disciplinary techniques used lost
law enforcement significant ethical high ground and despite successfully criminalising the hacking
community, allowed a prevailing degree of ‘heroism’ in being catalysts for the computer revolution.
Developments in methods of cyberattack can also be recognised as accommodating for much larger
scale incidents of hacking; in 1988, Morris succeeded in initiating a less favourable hacker stereotype
after he released a self-propagating worm onto the internet. Not only did this widen the scope for
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