To what extent are nationalism and populism replacing the political ideologies of the past? (62/100)
We are long past the golden age of diverse ideologies. Since the 19th century the world has been in the
process of becoming an increasingly politically homogeneous place, with liberal democracy taking the
front seat as its dominant ideology. The fall of the Soviet Union and subsequent disbanding of its satellite
states further cemented this homogeneity, with more and more countries embracing free market ideals and
liberal democracy under pressure from the West. Once again, the ideological makeup of the world’s states
is changing. In this essay I will argue that populism and nationalism are experiencing a significant surge
in global politics and that populism in particular is primed to become one of the contemporary political
world’s most powerful ideologies.
Populism, as defined by Cas Mudde in ‘Populist Zeitgeist’ (2004), is an “ideology that considers society
to be ultimately separated into two homogenous and antagonistic groups.” It favours a particular brand of
rhetoric, hallmarked by extensive use of emotional appeals and extreme polarisation. Intrinsic to populism
is the ideal of ‘us vs them’, in which the populist puts the ‘wishes of the people’ against those of ‘the
others’. People currently in power and the populists’ opponents are deemed ‘the ruling elite’ and the
populist seeks to debase and vilify them, suggesting populism has an inherently anti-establishment streak.
Populists succeed the most in communities that feel they have been disenfranchised whether by political,
economic, or social means. Populists also succeed across party lines, on both the left and the right.
A prime example of populism can be seen in President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan of Türkiye. Erdoğan has
been in office as prime minister or president since 2003, a whopping 20 years, (Kirby, 2023), during
which Türkiye experienced “growing 60 percent inflation, a plunging lira, dwindling foreign-currency
reserves, growing poverty, and high youth unemployment” (Esen and Gumuscu, 2023). Despite his
apparent failures, Erdoğan was reelected in May of 2023 to serve for another 5 years. Erdoğan’s campaign
strategy consisted of almost complete control of the media, vilification of his opponents, and appeals to
Turkish nationalism.
Nationalism and nationalist sentiments tend to have a symbiotic relationship with populism. Nationalist
sentiments offer a uniting force for the populist’s idea of ‘the people’. A shared national identity allows
the divide between ‘us vs them’ to expand even further to the international stage, in which the ‘them’ is
people who do not share the same national identity. Former American president Donald Trump, is an
excellent example of this, being well known as a populist and having declared at a rally in Houston, Texas
in 2018 that “I’m a nationalist, Ok? I’m a nationalist,” (Baker, 2018). This declaration was met by cheers
, from the crowd. Trump assertion of ‘us vs them’ rhetoric was also evident in his campaign remarks
towards Mexican immigrants, with his slogan ‘Build the Wall’ championing a fresh wave of xenophobic
attitudes in the US.
The recent global spike in nationalism can be traced back to globalisation. Globalisation, as spurred by
modern technology has brought the countries of the world’s economics and cultures closer together,
completely altering every national landscape. In ‘The Hyperglobalization of Trade and its Future’, Arvind
Subramanian (2013) speaks on the effect of globalisation, particularly in the West. A central theme is the
disenfranchising of working class people, through the transfer of labour from local jobs to ones carried
out overseas. This result of globalisation, along with the economic stagnation of the middle class,
encouraged nationalism, as western workers expressed frustration over unemployment and looked for
ways to get their jobs back (Cox, 2018). As nationalism and populism emerge from very similar places of
discontent, through its furthering of nationalism globalisation has also furthered populism.
Populism’s emergence is not just limited to Türkiye and the United States. Funken and Schularick (2020)
estimate that more than a quarter of heads of state are now populists. This statistic, high enough to be
surprising, prompts a question. Why is populism spreading so successfully?
One reason, as argued by Lord Anthony Giddens (2017) is the prevalence and accessibility of digital
media as a political platform. Like every other ideology, populism relies on the spread of its rhetoric
through information. Digital media, in the form of television, web articles, digital videos, and social
media, have revolutionised campaigns for office, making it much easier for candidates to reach intended
audiences. Youtube ads can be placed on particular videos (therefore targeting those audiences), email
blasts can reach thousands of people in a straight shot, and social media can help candidates gain
information on their voters in order to advertise themselves more effectively.
The recent and unprecedented emergence of short-form content, particularly in the form of Tik Toks,
Instagram Reels, Facebook videos, and Youtube Shorts, has also allowed politics to reach a new audience:
young people. Within these short-form platforms, content creators are challenged by video time limits and
viewer retention rates to explain complex geopolitical issues in short, digestible clips. This inevitably
leads to simplification and a lack of historical context revolving around said political issues. It also further
reinforces the populist idea of black and white issues that have easy solutions, even if the ‘ruling elites’
refuse to see them.
