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Common Law Admission Test-2017
Organizing University
Chanakya National Law University, Patna
[ACCREDITED WITH 'A' Grade by NAAC]


!Participant ID: I
!Participant Name: I �
[est Center Name: I•
[Test Date: 14/05/2017
lest Time: 3:00 PM - 5:00 PM
Subject: CLAT 2017 UG
Marks Obtained:


Section : English Including Comprehension

Comprehension:
Direction for Questions 1 - 10: Fill in the blank by choosing the most appropriate option.
SubQuestion No : 1
Q.1 Would anybody ___ a mother have risked her life for the baby?
Question ID: 4611392688
An 1.but
s Status : Answered

X 2. however Chosen Option : 4

X 3.than
Marks : -0.25


X 4.rather
Comprehension:
Direction for Questions 1 - 1 O: Fill in the blank by choosing the most appropriate option.
SubQuestion No : 2
Q.2 You have played a great role, for ___ your help I possibly would
have landed myself into a problem. Question ID : 4611392685
An
s
X 1.although Status : Answered
Chosen Option : 2
2.without Marks: 1.00

X 3. after
X 4.despite
Comprehension:
Direction for Questions 1 - 10: Fill in the blank by choosing the most appropriate option.
SubQuestion No : 3
Q.3 The doctor advised him to go ___ several medical tests.
Question ID: 4611392692
An 1.through
s Status: Answered

X 2.into Chosen Option: 1

X 3.under
Marks: 1.00


X 4.about
Comprehension:
Direction for Questions 1 - 1 O: Fill in the blank by choosing the most appropriate option.
SubQuestion No : 4
Q.4 If they want to succeed, they ___ have to work very hard.
An
s
X 1.ought Question ID : 4611392689
Status : Answered

2.will Chosen Option : 3

X 3.must
Marks : -0.25

, 4. should


Comprehension:
Direction for Questions 1 – 10: Fill in the blank by choosing the most appropriate option.
SubQuestion No : 5
Q.5 She stood ______ Amit, but could not utter a single word for quite so
me time. Question ID : 4611392690
An 1. before Status : Answered
s Chosen Option : 1
2. to Marks : 1.00

3. about

4. for


Comprehension:
Direction for Questions 1 – 10: Fill in the blank by choosing the most appropriate option.
SubQuestion No : 6
Q.6 Kanak is endowed _______ many great qualities.
Question ID : 4611392687
An 1. in
s Status : Answered
Chosen Option : 3
2. by
Marks : 1.00
3. with

4. of


Comprehension:
Direction for Questions 1 – 10: Fill in the blank by choosing the most appropriate option.
SubQuestion No : 7
Q.7 The minister flew ______ the flooded areas in a helicopter.
Question ID : 4611392693
An 1. in
s Status : Answered

2. about Chosen Option : 3
Marks : 1.00
3. over

4. along


Comprehension:
Direction for Questions 1 – 10: Fill in the blank by choosing the most appropriate option.
SubQuestion No : 8
Q.8 The passengers were very happy _______ the friendly and warm trea
tment. Question ID : 4611392691
An Status : Answered
1. to
s Chosen Option : 4
2. from Marks : ­0.25

3. about

4. by


Comprehension:
Direction for Questions 1 – 10: Fill in the blank by choosing the most appropriate option.
SubQuestion No : 9
Q.9 We shall fail _______ we are industrious.
Question ID : 4611392686
An 1. though
s Status : Answered
Chosen Option : 1
2. unless
Marks : ­0.25
3. until

4. whether


Comprehension:
Direction for Questions 1 – 10: Fill in the blank by choosing the most appropriate option.
SubQuestion No : 10
Q.1 Sunita decided to set ______ some time every day for prayers.

,0 Question ID : 4611392684
An 1. aside Status : Answered
s
Chosen Option : 2
2. in Marks : ­0.25
3. up

4. on


Comprehension:
Direction for Questions 11 – 15: Read the given passage carefully and choose the most appropriate option to the questions given below.
The World Trade Organisation (WTO) was created in the early 1990s as a component of the Uruguay Round negotiation. However, it coul
d have been negotiated as part of the Tokyo Round of the 1970s, since negotiation was an attempt at a ‘constitutional reform’ of the Gene
ral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Or it could have been put off to the future, as the US government wanted. What factors led to t
he creation of the WTO in the early 1990s?
One factor was the pattern of multilateral bargaining that developed late in the Uruguay Round. Like all complex international agreement
s, the WTO was a product of a series of trade­offs between principal actors and groups. For the United States, which did not want a new o
rganization, the disputed settlement part of the WTO package achieved its longstanding goal of a more effective and more legal dispute s
ettlement system. For the Europeans, who by the 1990s had come to view GATT dispute settlement less in political terms add more as a r
egime of legal obligations, the WTO package was acceptable as a means to discipline the resort to unilateral measures by the United Sta
tes. Countries like Canada and other middle and smaller trading partners were attracted by the expansion of a rule­based system and by
the symbolic value of a trade organization, both of which inherently support the weak against the strong. The developing countries were
attracted due to the provisions banning unilateral measures. Finally, and perhaps most important, many countries at the Uruguay Round
came to put a higher priority on the export gains than on the import losses that the negotiation would produce, and they came to associat
e the WTO and a rule­based system with those gains. This reasoning – replicated in many countries – was contained in U. S. Ambassado
r Kantor’s defence of the WTO, and it announced to a recognition that international trade and its benefits cannot be enjoyed unless tradin
g nations accept the discipline of a negotiated rule­based environment.
A second factor in the creation of the WTO was pressure from lawyers and the legal process. The dispute settlement system of the WTO w
as seen as a victory of legalists but the matter went deeper than that. The GATT, and the WTO, are contract organizations based on rules,
and it is inevitable that an organization creating a further rule will in turn be influenced by legal process. Robert Hudee has written of the
‘momentum of legal development’, but what is this precisely? Legal development can be defined as promotion of the technical legal valu
es of consistency, clarity (or certainty) and effectiveness; these are values that those responsible for administering any legal system will s
eek to maximize. As it played out in the WTO, consistency meant integrating under one roof the whole lot of separate agreements signed
under GATT auspices; clarity meant removing ambiguities about the powers of contracting parties to make certain decisions or to underta
ke waivers; and effectiveness meant eliminating exceptions arising out of grandfather­rights and resolving defects in dispute settlement p
rocedures and institutional provisions. Concern for these values is inherent in any rule­based system of co­operation, since without these
value rules would be meaningless in the first place, therefore, create their own incentive for fulfilment.
The moment of legal development has occurred in other institutions besides the GATT, most notably in the European Union (EU). Over th
e past two decades the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has consistently rendered decisions that have expanded incrementally the EU’s
internal market, in which the doctrine of ‘mutual recognition’ handed down in Cassis de Dijon case in 1979 was a key turning point. The c
ourt is now widely recognized as a major player in European integration, even though arguably such a strong role was not originally envi
saged in the Treaty of Rome, which initiated the current European Union. One means the Court used to expand integration was the ‘teleo
logical method of interpretation’, whereby the actions of member states were evaluated against ‘the accomplishment of the most element
ary goals set forth in the Preamble to the (Rome) treaty. The teleological method represents an effort to keep current policies consistent w
ith slated goals, and it is analogous to the effort in GATT to keep contracting party trade practices consistent with slated rules. In both case
s legal concerns and procedures are an independent force for further co­operation.
In the large part the WTO was an exercise in consolidation. In the context of a trade negotiation that created a near­revolutionary expansi
on of international trade rules, the formation of the WTO was a deeply conservative act needed to ensure that the benefits of the new rule
s would not be lost. The WTO was all about institutional structure and dispute settlement: these are the concerns of conservatives and not
revolutionaries, that is why lawyers and legalists took the lead on these issues. The WTO codified the GATT institutional practice that had
developed by custom over three decades, and it incorporated a new dispute settlement system that was necessary to keep both old and
new rules from becoming a sham. Both the international structure and the dispute settlement system were necessary to preserve and enh
ance the integrity of the multilateral trade regime that had been built incrementally from the 1940s to the 1990s.

SubQuestion No : 11
Q.1 In the method of interpretation of the European Court of Justice:
1 Question ID : 4611392698
An Status : Answered
1. Current policies need to be consistent with stated goals.
s Chosen Option : 3
2. Actions against member states needed to be evaluated against Marks : ­0.25
the said community goals.
3. Contracting party trade practices need to be consistent with stat
ed rules.
4. Enunciation of the most elementary community goals needed to
be emphasized.

Comprehension:
Direction for Questions 11 – 15: Read the given passage carefully and choose the most appropriate option to the questions given below.
The World Trade Organisation (WTO) was created in the early 1990s as a component of the Uruguay Round negotiation. However, it coul
d have been negotiated as part of the Tokyo Round of the 1970s, since negotiation was an attempt at a ‘constitutional reform’ of the Gene
ral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Or it could have been put off to the future, as the US government wanted. What factors led to t
he creation of the WTO in the early 1990s?
One factor was the pattern of multilateral bargaining that developed late in the Uruguay Round. Like all complex international agreement
s, the WTO was a product of a series of trade­offs between principal actors and groups. For the United States, which did not want a new o
rganization, the disputed settlement part of the WTO package achieved its longstanding goal of a more effective and more legal dispute s
ettlement system. For the Europeans, who by the 1990s had come to view GATT dispute settlement less in political terms add more as a r
egime of legal obligations, the WTO package was acceptable as a means to discipline the resort to unilateral measures by the United Sta

, tes. Countries like Canada and other middle and smaller trading partners were attracted by the expansion of a rule­based system and by
the symbolic value of a trade organization, both of which inherently support the weak against the strong. The developing countries were
attracted due to the provisions banning unilateral measures. Finally, and perhaps most important, many countries at the Uruguay Round
came to put a higher priority on the export gains than on the import losses that the negotiation would produce, and they came to associat
e the WTO and a rule­based system with those gains. This reasoning – replicated in many countries – was contained in U. S. Ambassado
r Kantor’s defence of the WTO, and it announced to a recognition that international trade and its benefits cannot be enjoyed unless tradin
g nations accept the discipline of a negotiated rule­based environment.
A second factor in the creation of the WTO was pressure from lawyers and the legal process. The dispute settlement system of the WTO w
as seen as a victory of legalists but the matter went deeper than that. The GATT, and the WTO, are contract organizations based on rules,
and it is inevitable that an organization creating a further rule will in turn be influenced by legal process. Robert Hudee has written of the
‘momentum of legal development’, but what is this precisely? Legal development can be defined as promotion of the technical legal valu
es of consistency, clarity (or certainty) and effectiveness; these are values that those responsible for administering any legal system will s
eek to maximize. As it played out in the WTO, consistency meant integrating under one roof the whole lot of separate agreements signed
under GATT auspices; clarity meant removing ambiguities about the powers of contracting parties to make certain decisions or to underta
ke waivers; and effectiveness meant eliminating exceptions arising out of grandfather­rights and resolving defects in dispute settlement p
rocedures and institutional provisions. Concern for these values is inherent in any rule­based system of co­operation, since without these
value rules would be meaningless in the first place, therefore, create their own incentive for fulfilment.
The moment of legal development has occurred in other institutions besides the GATT, most notably in the European Union (EU). Over th
e past two decades the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has consistently rendered decisions that have expanded incrementally the EU’s
internal market, in which the doctrine of ‘mutual recognition’ handed down in Cassis de Dijon case in 1979 was a key turning point. The c
ourt is now widely recognized as a major player in European integration, even though arguably such a strong role was not originally envi
saged in the Treaty of Rome, which initiated the current European Union. One means the Court used to expand integration was the ‘teleo
logical method of interpretation’, whereby the actions of member states were evaluated against ‘the accomplishment of the most element
ary goals set forth in the Preamble to the (Rome) treaty. The teleological method represents an effort to keep current policies consistent w
ith slated goals, and it is analogous to the effort in GATT to keep contracting party trade practices consistent with slated rules. In both case
s legal concerns and procedures are an independent force for further co­operation.
In the large part the WTO was an exercise in consolidation. In the context of a trade negotiation that created a near­revolutionary expansi
on of international trade rules, the formation of the WTO was a deeply conservative act needed to ensure that the benefits of the new rule
s would not be lost. The WTO was all about institutional structure and dispute settlement: these are the concerns of conservatives and not
revolutionaries, that is why lawyers and legalists took the lead on these issues. The WTO codified the GATT institutional practice that had
developed by custom over three decades, and it incorporated a new dispute settlement system that was necessary to keep both old and
new rules from becoming a sham. Both the international structure and the dispute settlement system were necessary to preserve and enh
ance the integrity of the multilateral trade regime that had been built incrementally from the 1940s to the 1990s.

SubQuestion No : 12
Q.1 What would be the closest reason why WTO was not formed in 1970
2 s? Question ID : 4611392695
An Status : Answered
1. The Tokyo Round negotiations was an attempt at constitutional r
s Chosen Option : 1
eform.
Marks : ­0.25
2. The US government did not like it.

3. Lawyers did not work for the dispute settlement system.

4. Important players did not find it in their best interest to do so.


Comprehension:
Direction for Questions 11 – 15: Read the given passage carefully and choose the most appropriate option to the questions given below.
The World Trade Organisation (WTO) was created in the early 1990s as a component of the Uruguay Round negotiation. However, it coul
d have been negotiated as part of the Tokyo Round of the 1970s, since negotiation was an attempt at a ‘constitutional reform’ of the Gene
ral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Or it could have been put off to the future, as the US government wanted. What factors led to t
he creation of the WTO in the early 1990s?
One factor was the pattern of multilateral bargaining that developed late in the Uruguay Round. Like all complex international agreement
s, the WTO was a product of a series of trade­offs between principal actors and groups. For the United States, which did not want a new o
rganization, the disputed settlement part of the WTO package achieved its longstanding goal of a more effective and more legal dispute s
ettlement system. For the Europeans, who by the 1990s had come to view GATT dispute settlement less in political terms add more as a r
egime of legal obligations, the WTO package was acceptable as a means to discipline the resort to unilateral measures by the United Sta
tes. Countries like Canada and other middle and smaller trading partners were attracted by the expansion of a rule­based system and by
the symbolic value of a trade organization, both of which inherently support the weak against the strong. The developing countries were
attracted due to the provisions banning unilateral measures. Finally, and perhaps most important, many countries at the Uruguay Round
came to put a higher priority on the export gains than on the import losses that the negotiation would produce, and they came to associat
e the WTO and a rule­based system with those gains. This reasoning – replicated in many countries – was contained in U. S. Ambassado
r Kantor’s defence of the WTO, and it announced to a recognition that international trade and its benefits cannot be enjoyed unless tradin
g nations accept the discipline of a negotiated rule­based environment.
A second factor in the creation of the WTO was pressure from lawyers and the legal process. The dispute settlement system of the WTO w
as seen as a victory of legalists but the matter went deeper than that. The GATT, and the WTO, are contract organizations based on rules,
and it is inevitable that an organization creating a further rule will in turn be influenced by legal process. Robert Hudee has written of the
‘momentum of legal development’, but what is this precisely? Legal development can be defined as promotion of the technical legal valu
es of consistency, clarity (or certainty) and effectiveness; these are values that those responsible for administering any legal system will s
eek to maximize. As it played out in the WTO, consistency meant integrating under one roof the whole lot of separate agreements signed
under GATT auspices; clarity meant removing ambiguities about the powers of contracting parties to make certain decisions or to underta
ke waivers; and effectiveness meant eliminating exceptions arising out of grandfather­rights and resolving defects in dispute settlement p
rocedures and institutional provisions. Concern for these values is inherent in any rule­based system of co­operation, since without these
value rules would be meaningless in the first place, therefore, create their own incentive for fulfilment.
The moment of legal development has occurred in other institutions besides the GATT, most notably in the European Union (EU). Over th
e past two decades the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has consistently rendered decisions that have expanded incrementally the EU’s
internal market, in which the doctrine of ‘mutual recognition’ handed down in Cassis de Dijon case in 1979 was a key turning point. The c
ourt is now widely recognized as a major player in European integration, even though arguably such a strong role was not originally envi
saged in the Treaty of Rome, which initiated the current European Union. One means the Court used to expand integration was the ‘teleo
logical method of interpretation’, whereby the actions of member states were evaluated against ‘the accomplishment of the most element
ary goals set forth in the Preamble to the (Rome) treaty. The teleological method represents an effort to keep current policies consistent w
ith slated goals, and it is analogous to the effort in GATT to keep contracting party trade practices consistent with slated rules. In both case

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