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Summary PPP HC5-8
Summary for the lectures 5 till 8 of the course political participation and protest including articles
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Summary Political Participation and Protest HC5-8HC 5 Politics & the internet
- Hirzalla et al.
- VAA= vote advise application
People answer online thirty questions about their policy preferences and then the VAA identifies the party
that is closest to these preferences -> started in Netherlands now also elsewhere
Contribute to three fundamental pillars of democracy
Transparency: review position on issues
Accountability: monitoring the field
Participation: activate participation, low costs and not a lot of time-> reduces information costs on
comparative choice of parties
- Are VAAs popular across the entire population, or are they mainly used by the politically engaged and
informed people?
- Internet potential:
Cyber optimists: mobilization thesis: mobilize the un-mobilized-> opportunity for information
Cyber sceptics: normalization thesis: mobilize the mobilized -> exploited by already active -> offline
disparities reproduced online: digital divide
Problematization of ‘internet access’-> problem of inequality
1. “digital divide”: a division between those who are and who are not able and willing to use the
Internet for political purposes in particular
2. People with more education and political interest use the Internet generally more often for
political goals than people with less education and political interest: Socioeconomic gap (low
education and income less internet), Gender gap (women using internet less than men), Age gap
(older people using internet less)
- Are the participants new actors on the political scene who used to be marginalized in the ‘physical world’ due
to the lack of adequate resources or are they rather the usual ‘gladiators’ who have found yet another battle of
politics in which to engage?-> do VAA mobilize or normalize?
- Hypothesis and RQs
Younger people use VAAs more often than older people
Are age differences in VAA use mediated by political interest (low cost information gathering) and
knowledge (inform the uninformed)
Does age moderate the role of political interest and knowledge in VAA use?-> age less participating thus
VAA may help political interest
- Methods and sample
Survey via panel research institute
n = 819, subsample youth 18-25 n 106, 26+ n 713
Age, gender, education, political interest, political knowledge, VAA use (dependent variable)
- Younger people use VAAs more often than older people: hypotheses is correct-> the older people get the less
people use VAAs
- Are age differences in VAA use mediate by political interest and knowledge?
Does the older people get, the more political interest they get will lead to more VAA use?
For all ages political knowledge is relevant, but knowledge or interest is not relevant for younger people->
for the older people it is significant-> yes but only for the full sample and the older people
- Does age moderate the role of political interest and knowledge in VAA use?
1
, The younger people are the more suspicious people are of VAA effects of political knowledge or interest-
> need political knowledge if want to use VAA for political information-> dependent on stoplight:
stoplight on young than female use VAAs more and lower educated whilst when stoplight are on older
people than males and higher educated use VAAs more because they have more political knowledge and
interest
Interaction age and gender versus age and education: younger people nothing of indirect effects is
significant, no moderation-> for older group all the indirect effects are significant (interest, knowledge
and both)
Most indirect effects are significant for the oldies and not among youth
Political interest and knowledge are significantly associated with VAA use among the oldies but not the
youth
Young: Women and less educated use VAA MORE than man and more educated
Oldies: Women and less educated use VAA LESS than man and more educated
- Conclusion: youth fits the mobilization thesis and the older people fit the normalization thesis
1. Mobilization thesis: mobilize the un-mobilized: in young age group women and less educated mobilize
via VAAs
2. Normalization thesis: mobilize the mobilized: in older age group men and more educated mobilize via
VAAs
Both sceptics and optimists correct
- Enjolras et. al.
- How the use of social media effects the participation in offline demonstrations? Reaffirm or transcends
divides in participation
- Context: Norway, high internet access-> no difference in access to internet in mobilizing for a protest-> 2011
march for the Roses after the 93 Utoya shooting to commemorate the victims, organized via Facebook
- The properties of social media as channels for mobilization:
Web 1.0 (websites) lower information, communication and coordination costs but as a supersizing effect
(bigger, faster and cheaper)-> reach larger group with lower costs yet social media changed mobilization
Web 2.0 (social media) offer a space and tool to produce express and preform collective action->
enriching local and the global-> local phenomena spreading across the globe, individual incentives
aggregated to the collective outcomes-> information cascade : social processes when people make
decisions sequences, rational inferences from these decisions and imitate them on the bases on these
inferences-> social media is used for this: easy observe others, make inferences according to these and
spread across network-> invisible social processes made visible
- The properties of social media as channels for mobilization:
(1) Internet spaces: exchange of opinions and information
(2) Internet tools: for mobilizing people and to inform/ stay informed during protest
Thus users can articulate and make visible their social networks fostering collective identity, mobilizing
potential
Media consumers can act as producers -> this makes social media completely different tool for
mobilization of demonstrations
- The impact of social media on mobilization processes-> the presumed influence of social media
1. Individual Agency (Verba et al)-> Individual differences in participation due to
Resources (income education skills)
Motivation (political interest, information & efficacy
The more resources and motivation you have the higher potential of participation
2. Mobilizing Agency: The role of organizations, networks trade unions and informal networks in
mobilizing engaging and organizing people
- Changes due to emergence of social media:
(ad 1) Do social media reduce the impact of resources inequality?-> cheaper to participate, so differences
taken away?
(ad 2) Will social media make organizations less necessary by dramatically reducing the costs of
organizing collective action?-> anyone can organize a demonstration
- Methods and data: two wave web-survey 62.000 respondents
First wave, march/April 2011 and second wave august 12-17 (after the killings)
Dependent variable: participation in offline demonstrations
Independent variables: motivation dimension (use of social media for mobilization, first heard of
mobilization), social network dimension (number of memberships in organizations and Facebook groups)
and resource dimension (age, income, education)
2
, Are new groups mobilized through social media?
- Whether the use of social media reduces difference in participants
How did you receive information? First wave younger people from lower income easier recruited, but
second wave less pronounced pattern (socioeconomic insignificant)-> linked to popularity of
demonstration and Facebook dominant medium for sharing information -> no digital divide in civic use of
Motivation dimension (use of social media for mobilization)-> first wave less via Facebook than after->
initiative started from Facebook for Roses march-> use of Facebook much more pronounced in younger
age group
Do social media replace or complement traditional organizations?-> younger and highly educated more
likely to participate in demonstration, more women-> strong positive correlation membership offline
organizations with participation-> offline organizations and Facebook both evenly independent correlated
with participation-> union, political organizations and social and humanitarian most mobilizing and local,
political party, international protest and politician groups mobilizing-> politically favoured Facebook
group-> higher educated and younger more likely to participate due to their membership
Complement each other-> independent addition
Does membership of social and traditional organizations differ? Different types of people-> different
social profiles: voluntary political relevant organizations (older, higher educated, higher income and
female), Facebook groups (younger, no overrepresentation high status group)-> -> diametrically opposite
characteristics-> different mobilizing groups
Facebook group membership reflecting offline political relevant organizations (sharper social profile:
younger, less income and less educated)
- Participants mobilized through social media, lower social status and age opposed to organizations-> if
compared by mainstream media same pattern: less well paid, younger and less likely full time job
- New social groups-> cannot be answered, don’t capture developments over time -> social media supplements
organizations by reaching different and less privileged groups-> alternative structure alongside mainstream
media and established organizations -> mobilizing different way and different people: mobilizing thesis not
normalizing thesis
- In conclusion:
1) Participants mobilized through social media are characterized by lower socioeconomic status and
younger age than those mobilized through established civil society organizations.
2) If we compare with mobilization effected by mainstream and other media, there is a similar pattern: social
media recruits are less well paid, they are younger and less likely to have a full-time job than the rest of
the population.
- THUS...Does mobilization through social media lead to the inclusion of new groups that were previously
underrepresented demonstrations? This question cannot be answered on the basis of the present data, we need
longitudinal data (before 2008 and later)
Article: Internet Use and Political Participation: Reflections on the Mobilization/Normalization Controversy,
F. Hirzalla, L. Van Zoonen & J. De Ridder
- Two conclusions from literature about political internet use: can mobilize political participation and it
normalizes it-> argue that mobilization is based on specific cases and normalize on general internet use
patterns
- Vote Advise Applications of 2006 Dutch elections-> age differences, political interest/knowledge etc.
- VVAs vote aid by IPP (also developing for other countries):
VoteMatch (stemwijzer)-> help select a party to vote on
Critics: not good for middle parties and negotiations with parties on which phrases, too-simplistic
model of political sense-making
VoteCompass (kieskompas): policy preference, rank party leaders and performance cabinet-> place on the
compass
- Mobilization: internet can facilitate activities with a political purpose, political playground-> four types of
internet use:
1. Digital activism: antagonistic (hostility/ opposition) forms of interaction between citizens and
political or economic power holders
2. Democratic conduct in discussions on Web forums and network sites-> new public sphere
3. Exploitation of informative/ educational potential of websites with political or civic content-> easier
to spread message, richness of information
4. E-democracy: interaction online environment where citizens inform themselves and correspond with
representatives
3
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