Joana Inês da Costa Santos - 2732721
Conflict and Crimes
2021/2021
Sexual Violence during the genocide in Rwanda:
Propaganda, Intent, and Act of Genocide
1) Introduction
In the context of the course unit Conflict and Crimes, this assignment wishes to
answer the first question proposed: "What was the nature of sexual violence during the
genocide in Rwanda?". It is important to emphasize that this analysis will use the
previously studied theoretical framework provided by Elizabeth Jean Wood (2015) to
understand if sexual violence during the genocide in Rwanda was strategic, a practice or
opportunistic. The methodology used was an academic literature review.
This paper will argue that sexual violence was used during the genocide in Rwanda
as a strategy to attain a goal. In this case, rape was perpetuated as an act of genocide
(Russel-Brown, 2003) since it had the intent to destroy the Tutsis. Nevertheless,
opportunistic rapes happened too (Bijleveld, Morssinkhof & Smeulers, 2009).
The first section will focus on specificating the three types of rape mentioned while
evidencing why strategic rape is the concept that fits better in the case studied. Then, to
contextualize, the genocide and Hutu man's perception of Tutsi women will be
addressed. The third part will make explicit the contours and motivation of sexual
violence in the referred region and period and connect it to the postulated conceptual
framework. Finally, the final part will consist of a reflection that responds to the
previously presented research purposes.
2) Framework: strategic, practice and opportunistic rape
According to Wood (2015), rape can be a strategy of war, opportunistic or a practice
of war. The first, the one that fits better in Rwanda’s case, happens when sexual violence
is used to obtain a political goal as it was utilized to destroy Tutsis. It is a top-down order,
even if not explicit and is usually confused with widespread since it is common to assume
one's strategy based on the crime results (Wood, 2015). In other words, motivation
matters: having a previously outlined objective is different from perceiving a
consequence of an agendaless crime as its motive.
As to rape as a practice of war, it differs from the previous by being a product of social
and group interactions. It is not ordered but is tolerated, often to compensate soldiers
for poor work conditions; however, it is not institutionalized like strategic rape (Wood,
2015).
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, Lastly, opportunistic rapes are those carried out for personal motivations. Although
this type of violence lies in individual preferences, it fits in a macro-level analysis that
comprises the opportunity to rape due to war sequels like the breakdown of state's
institutions and the loss of social values (Wood, 2015). The patriarchal culture, a
necessary condition to widespread rape but not sufficient, and the theory that sexual
violence during conflict is a continuity of previous violence - continuum thesis - can
support the existence of opportunistic rapes, which are common in war but are not
enough to explain the brutality noted in rapes committed during this genocide. The
existence of gang rapes can also be seen as evidence for rape as a practise (Wood, 2015)
3) Conflict Background
From April to July 1994, it is estimated that between half to one million Rwandan
were murder; most of them were part of the Tutsi minority, which was hunt by the Hutus
(Human Rights Watch, 1996). However, moderated Hutus were killed too. In previous
years, extensive propaganda was made against Tutsi women, military men could not
marry them, for instance. They were portraited as superior, more beautiful, and sexual
and not suited as wives because they were seen as enemies of the state who could use
their beauty to climb socially and politically by marrying Hutu man. In addition, these
women were described as arrogant as they felt superior and untouchable by Hutu men.
Whereas Hutu women were described as hardworking and submissive (Human Rights
Watch, 1996).
Propaganda defused these ideas mostly in Kigali but was widely influential. Sexual
violence against Tutsi women was widespread during the genocide. Hutu men used rape
to humiliate and destroy Tutsi women and satisfy their curiosity about Tutsi women.
They were regarded as "seductress-spies bent on dominating and undermining the
Hutu"(Human Rights Watch, 1996, p.18). and were represented as desired, but Hutu
men were undeserving of them.
4) Nature of sexual violence
It is estimated that 250,000 to 500,000 rapes took place during twelve weeks when
the genocide happened (Human Rights Watch, 1996). "Rape was the rule and its absence
the exception" (United Nations, 1996 in Human Rights Watch, 1996, p.24). Tutsi women
reported that genocidal intent was present in sexual violence. They said it was done to
destroy and humiliate them. These rapes were very violent crimes that often included
mutilation, gang rape and sometimes led to death (Human Rights Watch, 1996). They
were usually murdered immediately or after a period of sexual slavery (Jones, 2010) or
were left to die with no assistance to their injuries. Other forms of sexual violence, such
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