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Adam Smith
Adam Smith
It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer or the baker, that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own interest” 
This statement was made by Adam Smith who was one of the major contributors of the Classical School. The consumer looks to find the lowest price for a good, given its quality. The worker tires to find the highest pay, given the nonwage aspects of the job. Each of these members of the market look out for themselves (self-interest) by first meeting their own needs but still give the client a fair deal. Thus they are still being moral and everyone is better off in the end. But hidden within the apparent chaos of economic activity is a natural order. There is an invisible hand that channels self-interested behaviour in such a way that the social good emerges.
2.	Smith on self-interest
Smith’s self-interest refers to the desire to meet one’s own needs – earn your own money, pay your own food. This type of self-interest is entirely moral and can even go a step further where one is concerned with the interests of others. Self-interest as the dire to meet one’s own needs is thus not inherently immoral, selfish or greedy. It only becomes theses when done at the exclusion of a concern for the interests of others, when it is pushed so far that it squeezes out any generosity or any desire to see others get a fair deal to. 
3.	The key to understanding Smith’s invisible hand is the concept of competition.
The action of each producer or merchant who is attempting to garner profit is restrained by the other producers or merchants who are likewise attempting to make money. Competition drives down the prices of goods and in so doing reduces the profit received by each seller. In situations in which there is initially only a single seller, extraordinary profit attracts new competitors who increase supply and erase the excessive profit. In an analogous way, employers compete with one another for the best workers, workers compete with each other for the best jobs, and consumers compete with one another for the right to consume products. Stated in contemporary economic terms, the result is that resources get allocated to their highest valued uses; economic efficiency prevails. Furthermore, because business persons save and invest—again out of their self-interest—capital accumulates and the economy grows. The pursuit of self-interest, restrained by competition, thus tends to produce Smith’s social good—maximum output and economic growth.

4.	The division of labour
Division of labour is whereby a job is divided into a number of distinct operations (number of branches). For example a Pin maker who doesn’t employ machinery or other employees can make only one pin per day, but if its divided into a number of branches; One man draws out the wire, another straights it, a third cuts it, a fourth points it, a fifth grinds it at the top for receiving the head and so forth. In the case they might make 20 pins a day.
Smith said the division of labour increased the quantity of output produced for 3 reasons:
–	First, each worker develops increased dexterity in performing one single task repeatedly. 
–	Second, time is saved if the worker need not go from one kind of work to another. 
–	Third, machinery can be invented to increase productivity once tasks have been simplified and made routine through the division of labour.
5.	Smith on the role of government
Adam Smith believed in an invisible hand that channels self-interested behaviour in such a way that the social good emerges. The pursuit of self-interest, restrained by competition, thus tends to produce Smith’s social good – max output & economic growth. This harmony of interests implies that intrusion by Government into the economy is unneeded & undesirable. According to Smith governments are wasteful, corrupt, and inefficient and the grantors of monopoly privileges to the detriment of the society as a whole. He also argued that governments should not interfere in international trade. He did however see 3 major roles of government – 1 to protect society from foreign attack, 2 – to establish the administration of justice and 3 – to erect & maintain public works and institutions that private entrepreneurs cannot undertake profitable. 
6.	How the size of the market limits the division of labour.
The size of the market limits the scope for labour specialisation, because increased specialisation, whether in product or in productive operation, always involves dividing up the market into smaller sub-markets – one for each specialised product or productive operation. In short: the division of labour implies a division of the market too. As a result, only when the market is initially large enough can its division into these sub-markets keep these sub-markets large enough for a specialist to make a living. That is why the growth of a market, say of the population of a town, leads to the establishment of more specialised shops in that town. When a town is really small, only a single general store can make a living there. As the town grows, however, a specialised bakery, butchery and clothing shop may be able to establish themselves, offering better quality, a wider selection and better prices than the general store previously could. That general store, therefore, goes out of business unless it specialises itself. As the town grows even further, there may even be space for a watch-maker, a tobacco shop and a dentist.
7.	The two main reasons why, according to Smith, state interference is likely to be ineffective in furthering the common good.
–	First, people know their own interest better than government officials do: “[E]very individual, it is evident, can, in his local situation judge [his own economic interest] much better than any statesman or lawgiver can do for him. It is the highest impertinence and presumption in kings and ministers to pretend to watch over the economy of private people” (textbook, p. 68). 
–	Second, government officials tend to waste public resources: “They are themselves always, and without any exception, the greatest spendthrifts in the society. Let them look after their own expense and they may safely trust private people with heirs.” (Textbook, ibid). Take note, however, that Smith is not entirely against government involvement and interference. Government still plays an important role in Smithian liberal capitalism and he still assigns some essential functions to it (2007:70-71). Make sure you know what these functions are.
8.	In a statement in which he poses the “water-diamond paradox,” Smith observed that there are two kinds of value.
The word VALUE, it is to be observed, has two different meanings, and sometimes expresses the utility of some particular object, and sometimes the power of purchasing other goods which the possession of that object conveys. The one may be called “value in use;” the other, “value in exchange.” The things which have the greatest value in use have frequently little or no value in exchange; those which have the greatest value in exchange have frequently little or no use value. Nothing is more useful than water: but it will purchase scarce anything; scarce anything can be had in exchange for it. A diamond, on the contrary, has scarce any value in use; but a very great quantity of other goods may frequently be had in exchange for it.
Smith did not solve the paradox of value. This had to await later economists who clearly saw the distinction between a good’s total utility and its marginal utility. Smith directed his attention toward exchange value, the power that the possession of a commodity provides to purchase other goods—its “natural” price.


9.	The distinction between natural prices and market prices
Natural prices: In every society there is average or natural rate (wages, profit and rent). When a good is sold at the natural price there will be exactly enough revenue to pay these natural rates. This is the long run price below which the entrepreneur would no longer continue to sell the goods. Market prices: Actual price at which a good is sold. Depends on the short run supply & demand workings and it will fluctuate around the natural price. If it is above the natural price, more goods will come to market, depressing the price. If it is below the natural price, some productive factors will be withdrawn, the quantity supplied will fall, and the market price will rise toward the natural price.
10.	“Do pearls have value because people dive for them, or do people dive for pearls because pearls have value?”
Smith stated that pearls have value because people need to dive to get them, that is, that the cost of production determines a good’s exchange value or relative price. Labour was the only resource in a primitive society and thus the time it took to dive the pearl was the element that gave it the value.
Smith basically answered that pearls (goods) have value because people need to dive to get them; that is, that the costs of production determine a good’s exchange value or relative price.
11.	Smith’s labour theory of value
Smith first examined exchange value in an economy in which labour is the only scarce resource (capital and land are either non-existent or are free goods. “Labour theory of value in a primitive society”). Then he developed a theory of value for an advanced economy, in which capital had accumulated, and both it and land commanded a positive price.
Labour theory of value in a primitive society - Smith argued that in a society in which labour was the only resource, the relative value of a good would be determined by the amount of labour necessary to produce it. Example, suppose that it took two hours to trap a beaver and one hour to hunt and shoot a deer. What is the value in exchange of the beaver? Answer: two deer or two hours of labour. That is, a person could either exchange the beaver for two deer (because each deer requires only one hour of labour to harvest) or could use the beaver to command two hours of labour services. In a primitive economy, according to Smith, labour is both the source (labour cost theory) and the measure (labour commanded theory) of exchange value.
Value theory in an advanced economy - In a society where capital investments and land resources become important, said Smith, goods will normally be exchanged for other goods, for money, or for labour at a figure high enough to cover wages, rent, and profits. Moreover, profits will depend on the whole value of the capital advanced by the employer. The real value of commodities can no longer be measured by the labour contained in them. They still, however, can be measured by “the quantity of labour which they can, each of them, purchase or command”. The quantity of labour that a commodity can buy exceeds the quantity of labour embodied in its production by the total profits and rents. Demand, according to Smith, does not influence the value of commodities; the cost of production—wages, rent, and profits—are the only determinants of value in the long run. (E.g. let us assume that each commodity takes two hours to produce. But commodity A—say, potatoes grown where good land is abundant—requires virtually no capital to produce. Commodity B—cotton yarn—on the other hand requires intricate and expensive machinery in the production process. If one pound of cotton yarn and ten pounds of potatoes, each containing two hours of labour, could be exchanged for each other in the market, which would people produce? Potatoes, of course, because they could avoid investing large amounts of capital, and they would get the same return for their labour.)
According to Smith, demand does not influence the value of commodities, the cost of production – wages, rent and profits – are the only determinants of value in the long run. Smith assumed that production will expand or shrink at constant cost per unit of output. Competition will drive prices down to costs, including a normal profit. Any increase in demand will not increase value because the costs of producing each unit of commodity remain unchanged. If we assume either increasing or decreasing costs, Smith’s principle becomes untenable. 
12.	Wages fund theory
Smith addressed three facets of wages: the aggregate level of wages, the growth of wages over time, and the wage structure. With respect to the first two, he employed the wages fund theory: 
The wages fund idea implies that there is a stock of circulating capital out of which present wages are paid. This stock consists of the savings of the capitalists and is dependent on the revenue from previous production and sales. Consequently, this fund is fixed in the short run, but it can be increased from one year to the next.
Average annual wage = Wages fund / Number of labourers
The minimum rate of wages must be that which will enable a worker with a family to survive and perpetuate the labour supply. But when the demand for labour rises, wages will rise above this minimum. The rate of increase of national wealth determines the demand for labour and the wage by influencing the size of the wages fund. If the wealth of a country were great but stationary, population and thus labour supply would eventually multiply beyond the employment opportunities, and wages would fall. This explains Smith’s emphasis on capital accumulation and economic growth. Smith applauded the rise of wages that accompanied economic growth, thus opposing the low wage doctrine of mercantilism.
13.	Smith’s theory of economic growth. page 86
The Institutionalist School
The Institutionalist School
1.	Write an essay on Institutionalist economics in which you pay attention to the following:
•	Its reaction against marginalist-neoclassical economics. (note: the tenets)
-	The institutionalist criticises neoclassical/marginalist economics along very much the same lines as the historical school. The “holistic, broad perspective”, “focus on institutions”, “Darwinian evolutionary approach” and “rejection of pleasure-pain psychology” are all criticisms of neoclassical/marginalist theory and method. The holistic perspective and rejection of the pleasure-pain psychology emphasise that market behaviour cannot be solely explained in terms of the profit/utility maximising behaviour of “economic man”. Other motives play a role as well, so that the explanation of market phenomena should be multidisciplinary. The focus on institutions draws attention to the fact that behaviour is often shaped by state laws, organisational structures, habits and culturally determined customs, which show a certain persistence over time. Hence institutions cause human behaviour to display a certain regularity, a certain predictability. While human behaviour is never completely predictable, it does display some broad patterns. The evolutionary approach highlights how institutions are, nonetheless, also subject to evolutionary change, and that there is a certain logic and predictability to how they change.
•	Its relation to the historical school
-	The German historical school is the originator to American institutionalism. The Institutionalist school has just about all the themes of the American Institutionalist: the evolutionary approach, the emphasis on the positive role of government and the inductive/historical approach. 
•	The meaning of institution and their role in economic explanation
-	An institution is not merely an organization or establishment for the promotion of a particular objective, like a school, a prison, a union, or a federal reserve bank. It is also an organized pattern of group behaviour, well established and accepted as a fundamental part of the culture. It includes customs, social habits, laws, modes of thinking, and ways of living. Slavery and a belief in slavery were institutions. 
-	The institutionalists said that Economic life is regulated by economic institutions, not by economic laws. Group social behaviour and the thought patterns that influence it are more relevant to economic analysis than is the individualism emphasized in marginalist theory. The institutionalists were especially interested in analysing and reforming the institutions of credit, monopoly, absentee ownership, labour-management relations, social security, and the distribution of income. They advocated economic planning and the mitigation of the swings of the business cycle.

•	Veblen’s concept on “the leisure class’’
-	Veblen’s leisure class is characterized by conspicuous consumption, a propensity to avoid useful work, and conservatism. 
Conspicuous consumption - Veblen held that the leisure class is engaged in the greedy confiscation of goods without working for them. Those who accumulate wealth do so not merely to take care of their physical wants, or even their spiritual, aesthetic, and intellectual wants. Rather, they wish to consume in a way that displays their wealth, because a show of wealth indicates power, prestige, honour, and success in our pecuniary (monetary) culture. To be reputable, such consumption must be wasteful. Poorer people must work in order to subsist, but even their pattern of spending includes an element of wasteful conspicuous consumption. Their outlook on life is imposed by the dominant leisure class.
Propensity to avoid useful work - Members of the leisure class must avoid useful, productive work. They must indulge only in wasteful or useless tasks if they are to remain reputable.
Conservatism - Veblen emphasised that the evolution of social structure has been a process of natural selection of institutions. Progress can be attributed to the survival of the fittest habits of thought and the enforced adaptation of individuals to a changing environment. Institutions must change with changing circumstances. The development of these institutions represents the development of society.
A portion or class of society that is sheltered from environmental forces will adapt its views more slowly to the altered general situation and will therefore retard the process of social change. The wealthy leisure class is in just such a sheltered position with respect to economic forces that make for change or readjustment. The characteristic attitude of this class is indicated in the maxim that, “Whatever is, is right.” But the law of natural selection, as applied to human institutions, asserts that, “Whatever is, is wrong.” That is, current institutions are wrong to some extent, from the evolutionary standpoint, because they do not change quickly enough to be in tune with the times.

•	Veblen’s vies on economic man as a “lightning calculator”

•	Veblen’s vies on the credit system
-	According to Veblen credit plays an important role in modern business. Borrowing money can increase profits as long as the current rate of business earnings exceeds the rate of interest. Those who take advantage of the opportunities offered by credit will be in a position to undersell the other firms who do not take advantage of this. Thus credit becomes wide spread & typical. The use of credit gives a firm a differential advantage against other firms but the credit expansion has no aggregate effect on earnings or on total industrial output. Aggregate net profits in fact is reduced by the amount of interest that has to be paid to creditors. 

•	Soviet of technicians according to Veblen
-	There is constant conflict between two sides – industries and business, big and small... Veblen was critical & friendly towards socialism but was not a socialist himself. Veblen thought engineers – the technicians of society – might eventually lead the social revolution and operate industry for the common good. They are the ones to object ownership, finance, sabotage, credit and unearned income because these interfere with technological efficiency and progress. Engineers are the best representation of the community at large, because capital and labour, bargaining over prices have become a loose knit vested interest that seeks its own benefit to the detriment of society. The outcome has been business like concessions and compromise between them. The two sides play a game of chance and skill, with the industrial system becoming a victim of interference on both sides. Material welfare of the community depends on the smooth working of the industrial system without interference. Engineers can achieve this as unlike owners and workers they are not motivated by self-interest. Because they are more homogeneous and unified they are natural leaders and people with spirit of tangible performance and the most highly developed instinct of workmanship. Veblen believed technicians could solve the nation’s problems but the chances of this happening was remote.

•	Veblen on the instinct of workmanship
-	Veblen believed that work is not generally annoying, or else the survival of the human race would be jeopardized. Humanity’s greatest triumph over other species in the struggle for survival has been a superior ability to control the forces of environment. People want to work and they want to do it well. They criticize waste. Associated with the equally important instinct for parenthood, the instinct for workmanship compels the current generation to improve life for future generations. Basically we try to avoid greed and laziness, we educate and train our children, we improve technology, and we conserve our resources – all because of our instinct for workmanship and our wish to provide for our descendants. Formerly the market was narrow and business was managed with a view to earning a livelihood. The growth of markets and investments has created new opportunities for shrewd manipulation. As the captains of industry enlarge their domain, their interests diverge more and more from those of the rest of the community. Instead of being interested in the production of goods, they are interested primarily in maximizing profits. When making money takes preference over making goods, the instinct for workmanship is not satisfied because production comes to be rated in terms of its capability to be sold or make profit. The absentee owners, who are in control, hamper the increased output of goods that would otherwise occur. Their manipulations prevent prices from falling. They force workers and capital into the more competitive sectors of the economy, thus worsening the situation there. They profit from disturbances in the system that may delay output. If the economy is unstable the opportunities for profit increase. The smart operator can make money as a bull during the upswing of the business cycle and as a bear during the downswing. Big firms are more interested in the whether the goods will be able to be sold than in their serviceability for the needs of society. Those interested in problems of price rather than in production include business entrepreneurs and their assistants – salespeople, accountants etc.



•	Galbraith’s on the “technostructure” and its purposes
-	The owners of the giant firms are the millions of holders of common stock who have no actual control over the operation of the corporation. Instead, control is exercised by the technostructure—a professional elite consisting of executives, managers, engineers, scientists, product planners, market researchers, marketing personnel, and so forth. The disgruntled stockholder who does not like the performance of a particular firm does not have the option of firing the management. The usual recourse is to sell the shares of the company and to buy shares of another company. It is naive, said Galbraith, to assume that the technostructure has an incentive to maximize the return to the millions of anonymous stockholders. The technostructure pursues much more complex purposes, which he categorized as protective and affirmative.

•	Galbraith’s economics with particular reference to his ideas about the dependence effect and the theory of the firm
-	Dependence effect - According to Galbraith, modern capitalism is dominated by large enterprises and characterized by an plenty of artificial wants that are the product of corporate planning and massive advertising:
It is not consumers who are sovereign in the modern industrial system, but rather the gigantic firms that produce and market goods and services. In Galbraith’s “revised sequence,” producers decide what shall be produced and then mould consumers’ tastes so that they buy these products.
Galbraith’s theory of consumer demand has an important policy implication: there will be an under allocation of resources to public goods. Galbraith called this circumstance “social imbalance.” The creation of artificial wants through advertising and the propensity for emulation shifts resources toward private goods and away from public goods that have greater inherent value. New automobiles are seen as being more important than new roads; vacuum cleaners in the home are desired more than street cleaners. Alcohol, comic books, and mouthwashes take on a greater aggregate importance than schools, courts, and municipal swimming pools. One way to remedy this imbalance, said Galbraith, would be to impose sales taxes on consumer goods and services, using the proceeds to increase the availability of public sector goods and services.
The theory of the firm – The neoclassical theory of the firm concludes that corporate behaviour and performance can best be understood by assuming that firms attempt to maximize profits. According to Galbraith this may be true in the market sector, where owners of small firms actively manage their enterprises, but it does not describe the far more important planning sector—the 2,000 or so largest firms that produce over half of society’s output.
The central protective purpose of the firm is survival, which translates into the need to earn a profit sufficient to keep most stockholders relatively happy and to provide sufficient retained earnings for investment and growth.
The major affirmative purpose of the firm is corporate growth. Growth of output, sales, and revenues produces greater employment security and financial rewards to the members of the technostructure.
1.	Physiocrats on land and the taxation of landowners (Physiocratic tax reform proposals with their emphasis on the taxation of land rents received by landowners)
1.	Physiocrats on land and the taxation of landowners (Physiocratic tax reform proposals with their ...
Physiocrats thought that because only agriculture produced a surplus, which the landowner received in the form of rent, only the landowner should be taxed. All taxes imposed on others would be passed on to the landowner anyway. A direct tax on the landowner was preferable to indirect taxes, which increased as they were passed along to others. They also regarded rent as partially unearned income, which is part of the reason why they wanted to tax it as well.
Physiocrats thought that industry, trade and other professions were sterile and only agriculture was productive. Land is therefore equal to rent. Physiocrats thought that because only agriculture produced a surplus, which the landowner received in the form of rent, only the landowner should be taxed. All taxes imposed on others would be passed on to the landowners anyway. A direct tax on landowners was preferable to indirect taxes, which increase as they were passed along to others.